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The Centennial Anniversary of the Provincial Legislature in 
Salem, Oct. 5, 1774; an Address by A. C. Goodell, Jr., 

The Journal of the Rev. John Cleaveland, edited by his grand 
son, Neiiemiah Cleaveland (continued), 

A Notice of the Peele Family, 

Inscriptions from Charter Street Burial-Ground, Salem, Mass. 
collected by Pekley Derby, June, 1874, 

Memoir of Benjamin Frederick Browne, .... 
The Name of Perkins as found on the Essex County Records, 
Inscriptions from Charter Street Burial- Ground, Salem, Mass. 

collected by Pekley Derby (continued), 
Orderly Book of the Regiment of Artillery raised for the defence 

of the town of Boston in 1776, communicated by James Kim 


Gleanings from the Records of the County of Essex, No. 3 
communicated by James Kimball, 

Papers relating to the Rev. Samuel Skelton, communicated by 
W. P. Upham, 









Extracts from Letters written at the Time of the Occupation of 
Boston by the British, 1775-6, communicated by W. P. Upham, 



Orderly Book of the Regiment of Artillery raised for the defence 
of the town of Boston in 1776, communicated by James Kim- 
ball (continued), 237 

Early Records of the Town of Rowley, Mass., communicated by 
George B. Blodgette, . 253 

The Dean Family in Salem, by Edward Stanley Waters, . 263 

Index of Names, 318 




Vol. XIII. January, 1875. No. 1. 



ONE of the most striking and suggestive fables of 
Greek history is the story of the founder of Athens. 
Arrived at manhood, Theseus parts from his mother, lifts 
the stone under which lie concealed the patrimonial sword 
and sandals, and proceeds on his eventful way. Wielded 
by his vigorous arm, his trenchant blade now parries the 
tremendous club of Corynetes, and now pierces the obdu- 
rate hide of the terrible Phrea. He crowns his trium- 
phant progress by still greater deeds of renown ; he 
safely threads the dismal and intricate labyrinth of Crete, 
frees its despairing captives, and slays the monster Min- 
otaur. Returning thence, he calls together the sons of 
Hellas, and raises the standard of united Attica. 

The true story we are assembled to commemorate finds 
in this fable a parallel. Sprung from a nation the proudest 

* Delivered before the Essex Institute on Monday evening, Oct. 5, 



and greatest in all history, the genius of independence 
was first transplanted to these rugged shores of the Massa- 
chusetts Bay. Nurtured long in the severe and heroic 
discipline of this western wilderness, as if preparing for 
its majestic mission, at length, in this ancient town, it 
first officially repudiated the control of the motherland, 
and, fully comprehending the greatness of its destiny, 
girded itself for desperate conflict. Later, it lifted and 
laid the corner-stone of the Republic, in the immortal 
Declaration at Philadelphia, and turned the sword, al- 
ready unsheathed in self-defence, to deeds of aggressive 
war. Against formidable obstacles and discouragements, 
with matchless fortitude, through eight dreary years of 
conflict, it parried the thrusts of treason, pricked the 
sides of apathy and halting discontent, vanquished that 
unnatural monster, — a hireling foe, and compelled the 
ministers of tyranny to acknowledge the victory. Mean- 
while, it had successfully threaded the labyrinth of the 
untried inter-colonial system, delivered these youthful 
states from the frowning walls of doubt that environed 
them, and raised the standard of a harmonious confed- 

In one important feature, however, the parallel fails. 
The noble JEthra, looking upon her son as the heaven- 
favored scion of Pelops' line, and swelling with high 
hopes of his future glory, invoked a favorable issue on his 
journey, led him to the stone which his father's hand had 
placed, and rejoiced as, with elastic step, he went forth 
from her presence. Not so with her to whom our fathers 
looked with filial love and reverence. The bosom that 
had heroically nursed the spirit of independence, heaved 
only with indignation when her sons asserted their birth- 
right. The mother who with almost mortal pangs had 
brought forth every idea involved in our struggle for the 

right of self-government, answered the appeals of her 
children for the liberties of Englishmen, with taunts and 
objurgations, and met every effort to assert them with 
new measures of oppression, and fresh displays of coer- 
cive power. Nay, she herself created the monsters of 
tyranny that beset the path of her children, and rejoiced 
with unnatural joy, when their defeat seemed imminent. 
This is the theme, so inspiring and yet so sad, which 
the lapse of a century invites us to ponder. If, haply, in 
restoring tints that have faded from the well-worn pic- 
tures of the past, we bring into brighter relief examples 
of heroism that shall stimulate a just and healthy pride, 
and furnish new incentives to patriotism and noble living, 
then the labor will be not without profit ; or if, in waking 
the echoes of those voices, long silent, which, from the 
inmost heart of England, and above the hostile din of 
>artisan clamor, spoke words of lofty cheer to our strug- 
gling grandsires in the solemn hours of the Eevolution, 
r e shall strengthen the ancient ties of love and friendship 
hich still attach us to the home of our ancestors, the 
effort will be rewarded with unspeakable pleasure. 

In order better to understand the historical and politi- 
cal significance of the events we are about to consider, it 
will be well to review the relations that had existed be- 
tween Great Britain and her American colonies, before 
we inquire, particularly, what took place in the town of 
Salem one hundred years ago. 

Three kings of the house of Hanover, of the same 
name, had successively held the sceptre of Great Britain. 
George the Third had been upon the throne fourteen 
years; and, though reputed a faithful husband and indul- 
gent father, had shown, from the first, an utter want of 
sympathy with the traditional tendencies of English gov- 
ernment, and ignorance of, or disregard for, the best les- 

sons of English history. He emulated the Stuarts in his 
jealous zeal for the Royal prerogative, opposition to politi- 
cal progress and indifference to the welfare of the people, 
except so far as he imagined it might insure the stability 
or increase the grandeur of the throne. Generally it hap- 
pens that some great minister or cabal stands behind the 
throne, and directs its motions ; but this monarch seldom 
permitted himself to be persuaded, and never to be 
intimidated. He remembered his mother's injunction, 
"George, be King," and he observed it with undoubting, 
and, apparently, unconscious fidelity, as if in the exercise 
of a right as clear and unquestioned as an axiom in mathe- 
matics. How far he secretly entertained the doctrine of di- 
vine right, which had become infamous under the Stuarts, 
and was finally rejected in the revolution of 1688, and 
the act of settlement, it is needless to inquire. It is 
enough that his construction of the constitution, by its 
menace of peril to English liberties, put him in opposition 
to the best minds of the nation as surely as did their as- 
sumption of divine ordination and independent authorit}'. 

Partly by the bestovvment of offices, dignities, and 
pensions, and partly by notoriously promoting the elec- 
tion of those whose known views accorded with his own, 
King George the Third had found it possible to surround 
himself with ministers, and to secure numerical majori- 
ties in parliament, willing to go almost any length in 
support of his favorite measures. 

It was in a parliament thus constituted that a theory, 
affirming the absolute right of the Home Government to 
unlimited control of all legislative and administrative 
functions in the colonies, began to be asserted and acted 
upon, by the King and his retainers, with vigor and with- 
out scruple. This theory, which had been maintained in 
the days of the Stuarts, and proposed in later times 

against strenuous protests, and had been put in prac- 
tice when the colonies were too much occupied, in their 
struggles with a common enemy, to make effective op- 
position possible, was unsupported by the best estab- 
lished precedents. But it could be presented in such 
specious forms, and defended by such refinement of 
reasoning, that those of its opponents who could keep 
their vision steadily fixed upon its essential fallacy were 
few. So, while the injustice of its practical application 
to the American colonies was evident to all friends of the 
constitution, their grounds of objection were various, 
and the novel questions of law and policy which it in- 
volved, evoked heated discussions on both sides of the 

Other unsound propositions respecting personal liberty, 
and the freedom of speech and of the press, began to be 
maintained at the instance, or with the sanction, of the 
Government, and were adopted and applied in the courts 
of justice. These met w r ith vehement opposition ; and 
England teemed with controversial pamphlets and news- 
paper articles, upon the powers of the government and 
the rights of the citizen. The popular party, prominent 
in which appeared the anonymous writer Junius, whose 
elegant and incisive criticisms laid his antagonists, by 
their own confession, upon a bed of torture,* made the 
best arguments ; but their opponents had the counte- 
nance of the Crown. These effusions were copied and 
widely circulated in the colonies ; and there were many 
here who began to share the conviction of the more 
radical reformers of England, that the King and his 
advisers were conspirators against the constitutional lib- 
erties of Englishmen and the natural rights of man. 
In both countries, among thoughtful men, the course 

*See the letter of Sir William Draper to Junius, Oct. 7, 1769. 

of the Government was a theme constantly agitated, and 
the source of repeated discomfiture and profound alarm. 

With regard to colonial affairs, what to Englishmen 
at home seemed but a subversive theory, and therefore 
worthy of denunciation and of efforts for repeal, was to 
these colonies a terrible and bitter realization of the 
encroachments of tyranny, and engendered thoughts of 
open resistance. 

The stamp act of 1765, imposing a tax without the 
consent of the colonies, provoked prompt demonstra- 
tions of hostility, here, and led to a Congress of nine 
of the colonies, at New York, whose earnest protest ef- 
fected a repeal. Massachusetts, the principal maritime 
colony, had taken the lead in all measures of opposition, 
and she had assumed the most prominent part in the 
movement for united colonial action. The repeal of this 
act was accompanied by a declaration of the right of par- 
liament to tax the colonies, and was followed by the 
adoption of more stringent measures, proposed by a new 

The impost act of 1767, laying a duty on several im- 
ported articles, including tea, and reinforced by provi- 
sions intended to make the courts of justice here, more 
effective agents of the Crown, was promulgated with a 
display of land and naval forces, to intimidate, if not to 
coerce, the colonists into obedience. Again Massachu- 
setts appealed to her sister colonies ; and, in defiance of 
the express orders of the Crown, her Legislature, by an 
overwhelming majority, refused to rescind the vote where- 
by that appeal was authorized. 

After the Boston Massacre, the British troops, which 
had been quartered in that town almost within hearing 
of the debates of the Assembly, were withdrawn at the 
instant and firm demand of the brave inhabitants, made 

through their spokesman, Samuel Adams ; and this im- 
post act was repealed, except the item fixing a duty on 
tea, which was, however, rendered practically void by 
the refusal of the people to use that article. 

But the Kins: was determined not to be foiled in his 
purpose to exact from these colonies an acknowledgment 
of the supreme authority of the imperial legislature ; 
and, although in the year 1772 the whole net income 
derived by Great Britain from colonial taxation had 
amounted to but eighty-five pounds sterling,* parliament, 
the next year, under pretence of increasing the revenue, 
renewed its attempts to bring the colonies into subjec- 
tion, by conferring upon the East-India Company privi- 
leges amounting to a monopoly of the tea trade with 
America, and exacting from them a duty of but three- 
pence per pound, instead of the shilling duty previously 
imposed. This insidious measure, it was thought, would 
prevail against the scruples of the colonists, put an end 
to smuggling, and establish a precedent in favor of the 
claims of the ministry. 

The excitement which ensued here upon the publication 
of this act, the violent demonstrations of the mobs, — 
especially the destruction of the tea in Boston harbor, the 
particulars of which were discussed at our anniversary 
notice of that event last winter, — convinced the Home 
Government that the objections of the colonists were 
radical, that they were founded on principle, and could 
not be overcome by menaces, or silenced by any con- 
siderations of temporal profit, in the nature of a bribe. 

*So stated at the time, without dissent, in the famous speech of the 
Bishop of St. Asaph, Am. Archives, Fourth Series, Vol. i, p. 99. This 
speech was published in England, at the time, in a pamphlet, at one 
shilling, sterling. It was republished in Salem, by the brothers Hall, 
of the "Essex Gazette," for "no more than six coppers." — See "Essex 
Gazette," of Sept. 20, 1774, No. 321. It was wide]y read in the Colonies. 

They were satisfied that to insure the success of the new 
measures, something more was needed than the former 
show of authority, and the appointment of subservient 
agents ; and plans for active co-ercion were now promptly 
determined upon. Accordingly, in response to a message 
from the King, parliament, in the spring of 1774, en- 
acted a law closing the port of Boston, as a punishment 
for her contumacy, and removing the seat of customs to 
Salem and Marblehead. To enforce the blockade, and to 
insure obedience to the orders of the privy council, and 
to certain contemplated acts of parliament, which were 
soon to be promulgated, it was deemed proper to call to 
the highest office of the provincial government — which 
had hitherto been held by native-born citizens, or persons 
in civil life — a British soldier, competent to direct the 
movements of forces sufficiently large to overawe the 
colonists. Therefore Thomas Gage, who had been com- 
mander-in-chief of the army in America, was appointed 
to the command of this province, and soon after commis- 
sioned as Governor. 

Gage arrived at Boston on the 13th of May, and was 
soon followed by several regiments of the regular army. 
Here he found that writs had already been issued for con- 
vening the General Assembly in the old State House in 
Boston, on the 25th of the same month. He accordingly 
met with that body and, after rejecting thirteen of their 
newly-chosen councillors, including those who were most 
prominent in their opposition to the acts of parliament, 
he notified them that, after the first day of the following 
month, he should hold the General Court in Salem, in 
accordance with the special command of the King. Fear- 
ing a voluntary adjournment, the Governor, a week later, 
suddenly adjourned the Court to meet here on the 7th of 
June. More than forty years before, Gov. Burnet had 


executed a threat against the patriots of Boston, who con- 
trolled affairs in that brave old town, by adjourning the 
Assembly to the same place, alleging, as one reason for 
this course, that he was informed that the people here 
were, like their representatives, well-inclined to the King, 
and that the country members would "not be so much 
tampered with" here as in Boston.* 

From the selection of this new seat of government it 
would seem that the impression made upon the ministry 
by Burnet's action had not been effaced. Perhaps it was 
kept vivid by the known popularity here of the Browne 
family | — a family always conspicuously loyal, and to a 
member of which Gov. Burnet had given his daughter in 

The removal of the legislature from Boston had never 
been ordered without a protest from the Representatives, 
even when the prevalence of the small-pox there rendered 
it imperative ; and Gage's predecessor, Hutchinson, had 
greatly added to the opprobrium with which his name 
was loaded, by adjourning to, and holding the General 
Court at, Cambridge, in obedience to the orders of the 
privy council. The old arguments against this removal 
were mainly based on the form of the writ for convening 
the Assembly, in which Boston was named as the place of 
meeting ; and as that form, though enacted by the pro- 
vincial legislature, had been sanctioned by the King in 
council, and never repealed, it was urged that the Gene- 
ral Court could not be held elsewhere. But this posi- 
tion had been generally abandoned as untenable, and the 
change was now opposed on grounds of policy and con- 

* See Burnet's Letter to the Lords of Trade, Oct. 26, 1728, in notes 
to Acts and Resolves of the Province of Mass. Bay, Vol. ii, p. 523. 

t Although that family is now extinct here, in the male line, the 
, name is still attached to one of our public schools, and designates one 
of our principal streets. 


venience. The adjournment by the Governor, without 
consultation with the Assembly, and by the unauthorized 
direction of the privy council, was loudly denounced as 
uncalled for, and a grievance. 

This rapid sketch of the progress and posture of affairs 
down to the time of the first meeting of the Assembly 
here under Gage, excludes many important events which 
were transpiring in quick succession in Great Britain, in 
this province, and throughout the American colonies. 

Dr. Franklin, for his advocacy of the claims of the col- 
onies, had been removed from the charge of the general 
post-office, — which, under his prudent and skilful man- 
agement, had become useful and profitable,— and a pri- 
vate system of letter-carriage had been put in competition 
with the regular mails, whereby the committees of corres- 
pondence might exchange advices with speed and safety. 
These committees, which, on former occasions, had been 
found useful in promoting local and inter-colonial concert 
of action, were now revived and actively employed. Pul- 
pits rang with earnest denunciations of the tyranny of the 
administration, and with exhortations to firmness in patri- 
otic duty. The Boston massacre was commemorated by 
an annual oration. Pamphlets circulated the arguments 
of patriots and tories ; and broadsides and newspapers 
brought to every household reports of the doings of munic- 
ipal and legislative bodies, the most eloquent speeches of 
the friends of the colonies in parliament, patriotic songs, 
and narratives of turbulent proceedings. The minutest 
actions of the civil agents of the Crown, and the move- 
ments of troops, transports and armed vessels, were 
watched with lynx-eyed vigilance, and tidings of every 
important step of the enemy were conveyed, by swift 
messengers, from town to town and from colony to colony. 

Massachusetts was still the principal theatre of oppo- 
sition to tyranny, but her patriots, chief among whom 


stood Samuel Adams of Boston — a man ever to be held 
in highest veneration — were wise enough to foresee that, 
unless the general consent of the sister colonies could be 
secured, all efforts for liberty were without the prospect 
of success. Such a cooperation had effected the repeal 
of the stamp act in 1765, and similar efforts, in 1768, had 
been followed by the partial repeal of the impost act of 
the previous year. Who should say that the united action 
of the colonies in another Congress would not result in 
some final plan of agreement upon the great questions at 
issue between them and the Home Government ? 

Up to this time, and long afterwards, nothing was 
sought by the colonists but reconciliation, without the 
sacrifice of constitutional rights. The colonists claimed 
to be Englishmen, loyal to the Crown and constitution, 
and would not tolerate the suggestion of a resort to meas- 
ures directly aiming at separation. 

Unfortunately for the prospect of union, for some time 
previous to the destruction of the tea, serious differences 
had arisen among the colonies. These differences grew, 
partly, out of the breach, by some of them, of an agree- 
ment not to import goods from Great Britain until the 
oppressive acts of parliament had been repealed, and 
partly from the uncertain location of boundary-lines be- 
tween adjoining colonies. They had estranged the colo- 
nists to such a degree that all but the most sanguine 
patriots were discouraged ; and Hutchinson was led to 
write exultingly to Lord Hillsborough, at the beginning 
of 1772, that the Massachusetts patriots seemed "to be 
deserted by their late correspondents in Pennsylvania and 
New York, and all confidence is at an end."* It was also 

♦From a copy of the letter (No. 20) furnished me by Mr. Sains- 
bury, of Her Majesty's Public Record Office. It is dated Jan. 24, 


a disheartening recollection that in the Congress of 1765 
the great colony of Virginia was not represented. 

That colony embraced a territory larger, by nearly ten 
thousand square miles, than the entire surface of Great 
Britain, and claimed contiguous territory larger than both 
Great Britain and Ireland. It had a population, in 1774, 
of between five hundred thousand and six hundred thou- 
sand inhabitants, — which, added to that of Massachusetts 
Bay, nearly equalled the population of all the other New 
England and Middle colonies. 

Without Virginia, therefore, any confederation would 
appear weak and defective ; but with Virginia, it would 
show a front sufficiently formidable, it was hoped and be- 
lieved, to insure effectual resistance. What, then, was 
the joy of our patriots to find that ancient and powerful 
colony, aroused by the new measures now specially directed 
against Massachusetts, chivalrously siding with her injured 
sister and actually starting the suggestion for a Conti- 
nental Congress. 

The persecution of Massachusetts, moreover, had 
brought the other colonies to prompt and spontaneous 
renewals of their former professions of sympathy ; and 
the idea of a Congress seemed so warmly and generally 
entertained, that our patriots saw in the change the active 
interposition of Providence, and broke forth in prayers 
of gratitude and strains of rejoicing. 

Such were the causes of the conflicting emotions which 
filled the hearts of the assembly-men when they came 
together, by the Governor's appointment, at Salem, on the 
memorable 7th of June. 

Philadelphia, and the month of September, had been 
fixed as the time and place for the proposed Congress. 

The Governor proceeded to Salem on the Thursday 
before the Assembly met, and, the next Saturday, being 


the anniversary of the birth of the King, he was received 
with great parade, ending with a most brilliant ball at the 
old Assembly-hall,* on Monday evening. 

But under these outward demonstrations of joy, there 
rankled in every patriotic breast increasing pangs of disap- 
pointment and sorrow ; for, only two nights before, there 
had arrived from Bristol, copies of two bills pending before 
parliament, which, there was every reason to believe, 
had received the Royal assent before their publication here. 
These two acts — one purporting to be for better regulating 
the government of the province, and the other for the im- 
partial administration of justice here, in certain cases — 
would, if firmly established and enforced, sweep away 
the last vestige of the right of self-government, and 
reduce the province to absolute subjection to foreign 

The session lasted but eleven days. On the second 
day, before proceeding to business, the House passed five 
resolutions protesting against the removal to Salem, as a 
grievance ; and the next day sent to the Governor as their 
answer to his speech at the opening of the session, a 
communication full of the same subject. Six days later the 
Council presented to the Governor an address, in which an 
invidious allusion was made to Gage's predecessor. Gage 
interrupted the reader of the address, at this point, and 
refused to let him proceed. He then returned a brief 
written reply, concluding, "I consider the address an 
insult upon his Majesty, and the Lords of the privy 
council, and an affront to myself." 

The communications between the Governor and the 

*This hall stood on Cambridge street, and was afterwards purchased 
and used by the congregation of the South Church, until they built 
their present meeting house, when it was removed to Federal street, 
and is now a private residence. 


Assembly having proved thus fruitless and exasperating, 
no further political measures transpired in either branch 
until the 17th, when the House passed a resolve, appoint- 
ing as delegates to the Congress at Philadelphia, James 
Bowdoin, Thomas Cushing, Samuel Adams, John Adams 
and Robert Treat Paine. The purpose of the Congress, 
as indicated by this resolve, was, "to consult upon meas- 
ures for the restoration of harmony between Great Britain 
and the colonies." A majority of the delegates was to 
constitute a quorum, and an appropriation of five hundred 
pounds was voted to defray their expenses. 

The Council promptly concurred in this appropriation, 
but the Governor withheld his consent. The House, not 
disconcerted by this refusal of the Governor, immediately, 
through their committee, began to prepare three other re- 
solves ; one, recommending the towns and districts to 
collect and pay over, before the 15th of August, to 
Thomas Cushing, one of the delegates, the sum of five 
hundred pounds. This sum was to be assessed according 
to a tax-list to be circulated among the towns, and was 
in place of the appropriation which failed to pass. The 
second resolve recommended, that other towns of the 
province relieve the necessities of the inhabitants of Bos- 
ton and Charlestown, who were suffering from the opera- 
tion of the act closing the port of Boston. The third 
resolve recommended abstinence from the use of imported 
tea, and of all goods and manufactures brought from the 
East Indies and Great Britain, and the encouragement of 
American manufactures. This last resolve was the basis 
of that Solemn League and Covenant, the consequences of 
which were so disastrous to the manufacturing districts 
of England. 

The choice of delegates and the appropriation for their 
expenses had, evidently, greatly disturbed the Governor. 


He soon received a hint of the subsequent proceedings of 
the House, through the treachery, it was suspected, of 
Elisha Joues, a tavern-keeper, who represented the town 
of Weston.* 

The Governor forthwith ordered a proclamation, for 
dissolving the General Court, to be prepared by Thomas 
Flucker, the Secretary of the province, and to be read as 
soon as possible to the House of Representatives. 

By this time, word had got abroad that the House were 
pushing measures, with the utmost speed and secrecy, and 
that the Governor, aware of the nature of their proposed 
action, had set the Secretary at work in equal haste to 
thwart their purposes. 

The proclamation was soon ready for the Governor's 
signature, and read as follows : — 

m£££T™™t. \ * the GOVERNOR. 



Whereas the Proceedings of the House of Represen- 
tatives in the present Session of the General Court make 
it necessary for his Majesty's Service, that the said Gen- 
eral Court should be dissolved. 

I have therefore thought fit to dissolve the said General 
Court, and the same is hereby dissolved accordingly, and 
the members thereof are discharged from any further 

* This suspicion was strengthened by subsequent events. Jones re- 
vealed his character to the two spies sent out by Gage to reconnoitre. 
See the interesting narrative of their adventures, by one of them, 
Ensign D' Bernicre, in Am. Archives, 4 Series, Vol. i, p. 1263. Jones 
is briefly noticed by Sabine in his sketches of the Loyalists of the 
Am. Revolution. 


Given under my hand at Salem, the 17th Day of June, 
1774, in the Fourteenth Year of his Majesty's Reign. 

By his Excellency's command, 

Thos. Flucker, Secretary. 

GOD save the KING.* 

Armed with this instrument, the Secretary started at 
once for the town-house. Elbowing his way through the 
eager crowd, he mounted the stairs leading to the hall 
above, but found the door locked and the messenger on 
guard. He "directed the messenger to go in and acquaint 
the speaker that the Secretary had a message from His 
Excellency to the honorable House, and desired he might 
be admitted to deliver it." The messenger returned, and 
said he had informed the speaker, as requested, "who 
mentioned it to the House, and their orders were to keep 
the door fast." 

Thereupon, while the House were finally passing the 
last resolve, the Secretary proceeded to read the paper, 
upon the stairs, in presence of the assembled multitude, 
and then, immediately after, read it in the Council cham- 
ber, f 

Thus ended the last General Court held in Massachu- 
setts under a provincial governor. After more than 
eighty years of experiment, since the Commissioners of 
the Great Seal, under William and Mary, appended its 
impress to the charter devised by the great lawyers of 
the English revolution — a period during which this 
vigorous but comparatively insignificant colony had grown 
to a large and flourishing province — the system of gov- 
ernment was now, by another revolution, soon to change 
into a government of the people, by the people and for 

♦Essex Gazette, 1774, No. 308. f Ibid. 


the people. True, the ancient methods prescribed by the 
charter might be, as they certainly were, resumed, but 
every member of the government was to be chosen by the 
people, directly or indirectly, and to become amenable, 
solely, to his constituency — the electors of the common- 

Such, too, were the dramatic incidents attending the 
choice of the first five delegates* to that Congress which, 
by successive elections, continued throughout the war. 
This august assembly managed the vast and various 
concerns of the colonies, raised, equipped and officered 
armies, organized and fitted out a navy, built forts, bor- 
rowed money, issued bills of public credit, established a 
general post-office and a national hospital, entered into 
treaties, leagues and alliances, and, in short, was the pro- 
totype of our present national government, until the adop- 
tion of the federal constitution raised over all the States 
the regis of a Republic. 

Letting this digression suffice to impress more vividl} 7 
upon our minds the importance of the events which took 
place in this town just one year before the battle of Bun- 
ker's Hill, we will proceed with our narrative. The Gov- 
ernor had taken up his residence in the elegant mansion of 
Robert Hooper, in Danvers, now known as the "Collins 

* Of the delegates thus chosen, all held places of the highest trust 
after the adoption of the constitution. From them were selected two 
governors and two lieutenant-governors of this commonwealth. Two 
of them received commissions as justices of the highest court in the 
state; and one of them was also attorney-general. John Adams 
never sat under his commission as chief justice of the Supreme Judi- 
cial Court, but had his ambition gratified by being elected the first 
Vice President and 4 the second President of the United States of 
America, and by being appointed commissioner to France, ambas- 
sador to the Netherlands, and minister plenipotentiary to Great Biit- 
ain before the peace ; and afterwards, the first minister of the United 
States to the Court of St. James. 



House,"* but deemed it prudent, towards the end of the 
next month, to order hither two companies of the 64th 
regiment, to guard his head-quarters ; ancT, on the 13th of 
August, the 59th regiment, under Col. Otho Hamilton, 
landed from the transports in which they had arrived the 
day before, and encamped near the fort on the Neck.t 

The -meaning of this martial demonstration Was soon 
evident. Handbills were posted, and a notice appeared in 
the Essex Gazette ,J calling the freeholders together on 
Wednesday, the 24th day of August, to choose five or 
more delegates to a county convention at Ipswich, for 
the purpose of considering and determining upon a course 
of action to be pursued with reference to the recent acts 
of parliament, "and our other grievances." 

One of these acts had provided that, with certain ex- 
ceptions, no town meeting should be held upon the call of 
the selectmen, without the leave of the Governor; § and 
the Governor deemed this call, and the proposed meeting, 
to be violations of the act. He therefore issued a procla- 
mation, the day before the meeting, forbidding the free- 
holders to assemble at their peril ; and, the next morning, 
an hour before the time fixed for the meeting, he sum- 
moned before him the committee of correspondence, by 
whose direction the call had been issued, told them that 
he considered their proceedings unlawful and seditious, 
and asked them to disperse the assembly. || As the act 
only forbade meetings called by the selectmen, the com- 
mittee protested that there was no violation of the act, 
and that they had no authority to break up the meeting. 
The Governor declined to argue the point so ingeniously 

* Sec Essex Gazette, 1774, No. 306. 

t Ibid., No. 31G. Xlbid., No. 317. 

§ "Act for better regulating the government," etc. 

|| Essex Gazette, 1774, No. 318. 


made, but informed them that the sheriff would proceed 
first and warn the assembly to disperse, and, if that ex- 
pedient failed, he should resort to forcible measures.* 

The troops at the Neck were then provided with am- 
munition, and put in motion. At the lower end of the 
town they halted and loaded, and eighty of them ad- 
vanced as far as Newbury street. But the delegates, 
having been chosen in the mean time, and the business of 
the meeting being over, the troops were ordered back to 
their encampment, f The next Saturday the Governor de- 
parted for Boston 4 

Throughout the previous night his guards were under 
arms, and his safe arrival in Boston was announced in 
the newspapers. § There is a tradition, in Danvers, that 
an attempt had been made to assassinate him ; and the 
old front-door of his mansion, perforated by the bullet, it 
is said, of one who, in passing, boldly fired, aud then, 
spurring his horse, quickly disappeared in the darkness, 
was long shown in proof of the tradition. Whatever 
reasons he had for seeking greater safety, it is certain 
that he reported to the Earl of Dartmouth that his object 
in going to Boston was that he might attend the ap- 
proaching session of the Superior Court. || Chief Justice 
Oliver, who stood impeached by the House of Kepresen- 
tatives, had promised to preside ; and it was feared that 
the people would prevent him, unless the Governor forci- 
bly interfered. 

From Saturday to Thursday, the angry Governor was 
thinking how he might inflict exemplary punishment on 
the refractory committee at Salem, whose adroit evasion 
of the act of parliament, although he affected to treat it 

* Essex Gazette, 1774, No. 318. jlbid. %lbid. %-Ibid. 
|| Letter of Gage to Dartmouth, Aug. 27, 1774, in Am. Archives, 4 
Series, Vol. i, p. 741 ; also same to same, Sept. 2, 1774, Ibid., p. 767. 


as a quibble, had so disturbed him that he mentioned it, 
as a matter of importance, in his despatches to the Secre- 
tary for colonial affairs. He had already ordered the ar- 
rest of the Salem committee, and Colonel Peter Frye, a 
magistrate here, had issued a warrant upon which some of 
them had been brought before him, and bound over to 
the Superior Court, as violators of the act of parliament.* 
Gage swore that the whole committee should recognize or 
go to prison ; and it was rumored that he intended to seize 
them, and send them as prisoners in the Scarborough, 
man-of-war, which was about to sail for England. f But 
the Governor soon had other troublesome and more mo-, 
mentous subjects to consider. 

On Thursday, the 1st of September, writs for calling 
a new General Court, to be held at Salem on the 5th of 
the next month, were published by the Governor's order. 
Fortunately, the fatality attending so many of his schemes 
awaited this measure. His threats against the Salem 
committee had been too freely and openly uttered. On 
Wednesday the watchful committee at Boston, suspicious 
of evil designs against their brethren here, despatched an 
express, after ten o'clock at night, to warn the latter of a 
movement of troops, possibly destined for Salem. 

The messenger was cordially received, and returned 
with the encouraging reply that they w r ere ready for any 
attacks to which they might be " exposed for acting in 
pursuance of the laws and interest of their country, and 
as became men and Christians." J 

At half-past four o'clock the next morning, the very 
day on which the writs for calling the Assembly were 
issued, thirteen boats, filled with troops, pushed stealthily 
off from the Long wharf in Boston and headed up Mystic 

* Essex Gazette, 1774, No. 320. 

t Am. Archives, ut supra, p. 762. XTbid. 


River. It soon appeared that the powder-house on 
Quarry Hill in Charlestown was their chief objective 
point. Here they seized and carried off two hundred 
and fifty half-barrels of gunpowder, while a detachment 
marched to Cambridge and brought away two pieces of 
artillery belonging to the militia.* 

All Middlesex was soon aroused, and excited and in- 
dignant crowds gathered in the highway, increasing as 
they proceeded, and arming themselves with the weapons 
that came nearest at hand. Before this multitude had 
dispersed, it was rumored that Gage was on the way to 
attack them. To prevent a collision, they extorted from 
Lieutenant-Governor Oliver, whose house in Cambridge 
they had surrounded, a promise to dissuade the Governor 
from resorting to forcible measures. This promise was 
kept, and the Governor returned for answer that no such 
purpose had been entertained by him, and that he should 
not molest them.f 

Had the Governor proceeded to Salem in pursuance of 
his rumored intention to arrest the committee, no doubt 
the first great tragedy of the Revolution would have been 
enacted here, or had he marched against the exasperated 
freeholders of Middlesex, the battle of Lexington would 
have been anticipated nearly eight months, in sight of 
Harvard College. 

The demonstrations in Middlesex, quickly followed by 
reports of the hostile attitude of other parts of the Prov- 
ince, and the neighboring colonies of Rhode Island and 
Connecticut, thoroughly alarmed the Governor and his 
Councillors. Their plans for aggression were abandoned ; 
and they resolved that "the first and only step now to take 
was to secure the friends of Government, and reinforce 

*Ara. Archives, ut supra, p. 762. f Ibid., p. 764. 


the troops," in Boston, "with as many more as could possi- 
bly be collected." The Governor wrote, the next day, to 
the Earl of Dartmouth, that he had thoughts of sending 
transports to bring the two regiments at Quebec, to Bos- 
ton, and that he intended to order Major General Haldi- 
mand to bring, from New York and Philadelphia, the 
troops under his command at those places.* 

The people of Salem, though anxiously preparing for 
the future, preserved, with few exceptions,! an appearance 
of firmness and self-control. In a determined but quiet 
way, Col. Frye was made to recall his warrant for the 
arrest of the committee and to give up their bail-bonds 
to the principals. He further gratified the committee and 
people by publishing a card averring that this retraction 
was of his own free will, and announcing his determina- 
tion not to take or hold any office under the objectionable 
acts of parliament. 

The troops were still here, but, on the 10th of Septem- 
ber, a measured drum-beat, and the shrill whistle of the 
fife, first caught faintly from the lower end of the town, 
but momently growing louder, announced to the people 
up town that the troops were in motion. Soon, the whole 
regiment from the Neck appeared. They made no show 
of violence, but were watched in silence, by the crowds 
on the street corners, as, with colors flying, they kept 
their way through the town and towards the old road to 

At Danvers South-Parish, now Peabody, they were 
joined by the guards from the Governor's head-quarters, 
and, resuming their march together, they soon turned out 

♦Gage to Dartmouth, Ibid., 768. 

t Some disturbances occurred, but the town authorities took prompt 
action to quell them, and succeeded iu preserving order. 


of sight, around the wooded knolls that bordered the road 
to Lynn.* The dust raised by the feet of the last, armed 
soldier of Britain who should ever encamp upon the soil 
of Essex County, floated off, and settled upon blackberry 
vines, or sprinkled with drab the yellow spikes of the 
golden-rod that fringed the old stone walls along the way. 
And where a few moments before rose and fell the mo- 
notonous sound of marching platoons, broken by strains 
of martial music, oaths and ribald jests, nothing was heard 
but the peaceful tinkle of the cow-bell, the distant bleat- 
ing of sheep and the crickets' chirruping trill. 

The concentration of the Governor's forces in Boston, 
which deprived him of all protection or show of power 
in Salem, was a sufficient reason for not attempting to hold 
the General Court here ; but another circumstance was 
conclusive against such a proceeding. The act for better 
regulating the government of the province had revoked 
the clause in the Charter providing for the annual election 
of twenty-eight Councillors, by the Assembly, and had 
substituted a council of the King's nomination, who, from 
the name of the warrant conferring the office, received 
the title of Mandamus Councillors. Of the thirty-six 
councillors selected by the King, twenty-five responded 
to the Governor's call, and were sworn in.f As soon as 
the fact of their acceptance of the office became known, 
they were held up as traitors and outlaws. The Middlesex 
freeholders in their furious march, besieged in their own 
homes, three of these Councillors, including the Lieuten- 
ant-Governor, and forced them to resign their seats at the 

* Essex Gazette, 1774, No. 320. 

^ Ibid., Nos. 315, 316, 317. Nine of these resigned their seats before 
the 6th of September. Palmer was absent from the province, and 
Woodbridge was dead when the appointment arrived. So that but 
fourteen sworn councillors remained. — Ibid., No. 319. 


Board. There were indications that this was to be the 
settled policy of the people ; and those of the new Council 
who were determined to hold their places, were obliged 
to seek refuge in Boston, where they were closely guarded 
by the King's troops, 

To get this odious body from their shelter in Boston to 
the Court House in Salem, was, therefore, a task which, 
under the circumstances, the military strategist at the 
head of the government and army, did not feel inclined 
to undertake.* If the members were courageous enough 
to venture upon the journey, they would, in all proba- 
bility, be waylaid and forced to resign like their brethren 
in Middlesex ; or, something still worse might happen, to 
precipitate a collision between the troops and the people, 
— a contingency for which Gage began to believe he was 
not fully prepared. To hold a General Court without the 
coordinate upper branch was impossible ; and he might, 
therefore, be obliged, from Sheer necessity, to recognize a 
council chosen under the Charter, which would surely 
have lost him his place and the ftivor of the Crown. In 
this state of affairs no other course was open to the Gov- 
ernor but to notify the members not to attend ; and, ac- 
cordingly, a week before the first clay of the session, he 
caused to be published his proclamation, excusing the 
Representatives elect from appearing at, or holding, a 
General Court. f 

Notwithstanding this proclamation, when the fifth of 
October arrived, ninety of the Representatives assembled.^ 
Among them were men of tried courage and determina- 
tion, who were bent upon executing the purpose they had 
in view, whether the Governor appeared or not. They 
had long been looked up to by the people'of the Province, 

* See letter of Gage to Dartmouth, Sept. 2, 1774, supra. 
t Essex Gazette, 1774, No. 323. %lbid., No. 324. 


for advice and encouragement, and their proceedings were 
now watched with eager expectation. 

So, on that eventful October morning, we can conceive 
the excitement here to have been intense. 

The quaint old gables that looked down upon the 
crooked streets and narrow lanes of the town must have 
seemed to share the anxious curiosity of their tenants, as, 
under the shadows of projecting covings, or from open 
casements above, bare-armed gossips discussed with neigh- 
bors opposite the probable doings of the Representatives. 

In the taverns, and under the more modern roofs that 
crowned the mansions of such patriots as Mason, Gard- 
ner, Williams and Derby,* the kitchens echoed with the 

*Capt. Thomas Mason was in early life a cooper, then a master 
mariner, and afterwards an opulent merchant. He built in 1755 the 
house now owned and occupied by E. S. Peck, No. 133 Essex street. 
He died July, 1801, aged 78. 

Capt. Jonathan Gardner, son of Jonathan and Elizabeth (Gardner) 
Gardner, born in Salem, May 25, 1728, died March 2, 1791; m. Sarah 
Putnam. A master mariner, for many years held important offices in 
the Salem Marine Society, owned and lived in the house that stood 
on the site of the late Dr. B. Cox's house, No. 132 Essex street. 
. Capt. George Williams, son of Henry Williams, m. Lydia, dau. of 
Timothy and Mary (Wingate) Pickering. A master mariner and 
wealthy merchant; bought in 1756 the three story wooden house 
taken down in 1839, that stood on the western part of the estate on 
Essex street recently sold by the heirs of the late Col. E. Peabody to 
Dr. S. H. Holbrook. He died in June, 1797. He was one of the 
board of war in the revolution. 

Capt. Richard Derby, son of Richard and Martha (Hasket) Derby, 
b. Sept. 16, 1712, cl. Nov. 9, 1783; m., first, Mary, dau. of Gamaliel 
and Sarah (Williams) Hodges ; 2d, Mrs. Sarah (Langley) widow of 
Dr. Ezekiel Hersey, of Hingham, who endowed several professorships 
in Harvard College (she founded the Derby Academy in Hingham). 
In early life a master mariner, afterwards an eminent and successful 
merchant, the father of Richard Derby, jr., a member of the com- 
mittee of safety and correspondence, and an ardent patriot during 
the revolution, who cl. March 20, 1781, and Elias Hasket Derby, an 
eminent merchant and one of the pioneers in the East India trade. 
He died in 1799. 


clatter of preparations for distinguished guests : there 
was an odor of savory herbs, and spits creaked before the 
open fires. Gilded and painted beaufets, now freshly 
dusted and thrown wide open, proffered decanters of 
choice cordials, or wines from Lisbon and the Western Isl- 
ands, and on the sideboards, home-made raisin-wine, gin 
and West-India rum were holiday companions of the uni- 
versal beverage prepared in the neighboring distilleries. 
• Along the wharves, the shipping lay, idly flying the 
united crosses of St. George and St. Andrew, but de- 
serted except by a few stevedores, or, possibly, some 
gauger or other officer of the impost. Merchant and 
mariner, smith and shipwright, caulker and graver, had 
gone up to the neighborhood of the town-house, to see 
the Representatives and to discuss the momentous ques- 
tions of the day with the carpenters, masons, tanners, 
shopkeepers, and husbandmen who thronged the place, 
usually the exclusive haunt of the patriarchs of the town, 
idle gentlemen and town officers. 

This edifice, of which, unfortunately, no contemporary 
picture is known to exist, stood in the morning shadow of 
the steeple where, it is said, the exuberant fancy of the 
youthful Hawthorne excogitated some of those weird 
dreams which have possessed our minds with their ghastly 
and bewitching images. Close beside it stood the old 
town pump, now of world-wide fame ; and its northern 
wall nearly coincided with the line upon which stands the 
southern parapet of the Eastern railroad tuunel. Its 
lower story was the town-house proper. Here for more 
than half a century the freeholders had held their town 
meetings, and the selectmen had consulted on municipal 
affairs. On the walls still hung, shrivelled and dusty, a 
few scalps of those fierce Algonquins, upon whom our 
fathers inflicted their own methods of punishment in 
the long and sanguinary Indian wars. These trophies, 


having been purchased not only with precious blood 
but with liberal bounties from the town treasury, were 
the property of town or province, and, not being of 
a nature to excite cupidity, had remained, repulsive me- 
mentos of some of the darkest days in our provincial 
annals, and a terror to superstitious boys.* 

High against the northern wall of the room above, in 
bold relief, were affixed the royal arms of Great Britain, 
bravely supported by the traditional lion and unicorn. 
Beneath these arms was the bench for the judges of the 
Superior Court of Judicature, and the Inferior Court of 
Common Pleas, and, continuous with the bench, and run- 
ning south, for twenty feet, on the eastern and western 
sides, were the forms for the justices of the county, 
when they sat as a court of Sessions. A line from the 
southern end of these forms enclosed a space containing 
the jury seats, — immediately in front of the justices; 
and the bar, with a seat in front, and flanked by boxes for 
the sheriff and crier. Before the bench and between the 
two juries, was an open space, provided with a table and 
seats for the convenience of suitors and their counsel. f 

I will not detain you by attempting to finish this imper- 
fect outline, which I have sketched by the aid of hints 
laboriously gathered from forgotten files and faded records, 
and from the more unsatisfactory lips of tradition. It is 
to be regretted that some one had not deemed a full and 
exact picture of this historic structure worthy of his pen 
or pencil, before the many old people who remembered it 
perfectly had passed away. 

* My authority for this is the late William W. Oliver, who told me 
that these scalps were buried when the old building was removed, 
after its purchase by Henry Rust and Benjamin Brown, Oct. 11, 1785. 

tFrom a "portra" of the court-room by Nathaniel Bowen and Wm. 
Bourn, Dec. 29, 1763, in the files of the Court of Sessions. 


When the whole Assembly met here in June, the upper 
room was the hall of the Representatives. The Council 
chamber may have been below, or, more likety, in the old 
tavern opposite, on the site now covered by the Stearns 
Building ; while the Governor, doubtless, had rooms not 
far distant, or, possibly, he may have remained at his 
head-quarters in Danvers. 

On this occasion, the whole body of legislators, con- 
sisting of the assembled ninety, found ample space in 
the court room I have described, which was fifty feet 
long and thirty feet wide. 

Of course the Governor was not expected ; but, that 
they might not be charged with unseemly haste or dis- 
courtesy, the Assembly did no formal business on the first 
day. No doubt there were earnest discussions of matters 
requiring future action; but there was no one to admin- 
ister the official oaths, and no message from Governor or 
Council, and the time spent, in this show of respect for 
the King's immediate representative, could be well im- 
proved by an interchange of views and the arrangement 
of business for the morrow. 

In the afternoon the Governor had not arrived, and the 
Assembly adjourned. The evening's discussions were I 
but unfoldings of the day's thoughts. Night fell upon the 
quiet town. The last lamplight had disappeared, and the 
sound of the watchman's cry, "All is well !" blended into 
patriotic dreams, and then fell on unconscious ears.* 
Suddenly, at the stroke of three, by the town clock, the 
whole town was startled by the cry of "fire." Seizing 
their leathern buckets, f and rushing toward the town- 
house, the roused sleepers saw a dense volume of smoke 

♦The night watch was reorganized and increased after this fire. 
t Several of these, of different dates, are preserved in the cabinets 
of the Essex Institute. 


issuing from the warehouse of Col. Frye, which stood on 
Essex street, then Queen street, nearly opposite the 
entrance of Barton square, and just above the meeting 
house of the society under the charge of the Rev. Na- 
thaniel Whittaker. The little engines, — one of which, 
with unwarrantable generosity, was given, a few years 
ago, to the firemen of Philadelphia, — were unable to check 
the progress of the flames ; and not until a large force 
of strong and active workers, from Marblehead, had re- 
lieved our exhausted townsmen, was the fire subdued. 

When the Representatives assembled in the morning, 
four-and-twenty buildings, including the meeting-house, 
lay smouldering in ruins, before the town-house door. 
Even this structure had not escaped injury, but was saved 
by the active exertions of the Marblehead men after its 
fair, painted front had been scorched and blistered, its 
windows cracked, and its front cornice nearly consumed. 

The Assembly now organized ; John Hancock was cho- 
sen chairman, and Benjamin Lincoln, clerk. A committee 
was then appointed to consider the Governor's proclama- 
tion and to consult on measures to be adopted, and the 
Assembly again adjourned. 

On Friday, the 7th of October, the committee reported 
four resolutions, concluding with the declaration that the 
grievances which they set forth were such as, "in all good 
governments," had " been considered among the greatest 
reasons for convening a parliament or assembly," and 
that the proclamation was further proof of the necessity 
of "most vigorous and immediate exertions for preserving 
the freedom and constitution" of the province. 

The resolutions were immediately adopted, and there- 
upon the following vote was passed : — 

Voted, that the members aforesaid do now resolve 
themselves into a Provincial Congress, to be joined by 


such other persons as have been or shall be chosen for 
that purpose, to take into consideration the dangerous 
and alarming situation of public affairs in this province, 
and to consult and determine on such measures as they 
shall judge will tend to promote the true interest of His 
Majesty, and the peace, welfare, and prosperity of the jl 

Having thus solemnly renounced the authority of par- 
liament, and affirmed the fundamental right of the people 
to institute a government, when in their judgment the 
regular administration had overstepped the limits of the 
constitution, they adjourned to more comfortable quar- 
ters at Concord, to meet on the following Tuesday. 

Here they organized the Congress by raising Hancock 
to the presidency, and electing Lincoln secretary. At 
Concord and at Cambridge they continued their sittings, 
with a few weeks intermission, until the 10th of December. 
Their progress towards practical independence was now 
sure and speedy. Before the end of October, all consta- 
bles and collectors of taxes had submitted to their order 
to withhold payment from Harrison Gray, the province 
treasurer, and to return their collections to Henry Gard- 
ner, who, soon after, was appointed receiver-general ; and, 
with closed doors, and under a solemn pledge of secrecy, 
they had resolved upon the momentous subject of "the 
most proper time" to procure arms and ammunition, by 
unanimously adopting a report that "now is the time !"* 

By midsummer, three sessions had been held, had 
transacted business, and finally dissolved. On the day of 
their dissolution they again assembled, by the recommen- 
dation of the Continental Congress, as an independent 
jrovernment under the Charter. 

Before this reorganization, the established tribunals of 

* Journals of the Provincial Congress, Oct. 24, p. 29. 


justice, which had either ceased to hold sessions or were 
disregarded by the people, had been replaced by a Court 
of Inquiry, to insure the preservation of order ; the es- 
tablishment of a navy had been favorably reported upon, 
and the great work of raising and equipping an army had 
been accomplished. Under the new style of government, 
the Council and Representatives removed the judges who 
had been appointed by Royal governors, and issued com- 
missions to new magistrates of their own selection. 

Thus, in less than ten months from the taking of their 
first bold step at Salem, the new regime was in the full 
exercise of the three* great functions of government, — 
legislative, judicial and executive. The sword, the purse 
and the scales thus taken possession of by the people, 
have been held by them with unyielding grasp from that 
time to the present. 

Let me here call your attention to a fact which im- 
parts a character to this revolution in the Assembly, more 
important than has been sometimes surmised. The idea 
of a provincial congress had been suggested on the 31st 
of August, by a convention of the freeholders of Middle- 
sex, who, after Boston fell into the possession of the 
enemy, were foremost in their active opposition to tyr- 
anny ; but the congress contemplated by them was a vol- 
untary organization ; it had no connection with the previ- 
ous government, and could in no sense claim legality or 
authority. The inhabitants of Boston who, on the 26th 
of September held their town meeting for the choice of 
representatives to the Assembly at Salem, improved the 
opportunity to choose, also, delegates to Concord, where, 
by common consent, the voluntary congress or convention 
was to be held. 

The vote of the assembly, therefore, — all the members 
of which had been legally elected in the manner pre- 


scribed by the charter, and under the call of the Gov- 
ernor, — must be considered the legitimate act of the 
province, in the only way in which the province could 
express its pleasure. 

From this fact the movement in Salem derives a pecu- 
liar significance, and we have a right to claim that it was 
that first official act of the province by which she put I 
herself in open, actual opposition to the Home Govern- 

Salem is not, however, to claim any precedence or honor 
for this event, beyond what is involved in the circum- j 
stance that the deed was here performed — an honor sim- j 
ilar to that claimed by Philadelphia in regard to the I 
Declaration of Independence. 

While the Legislature was thus employed, the people I 
were busy arming and organizing the militia. Through 
the autumn and winter, colonels of regiments, and other 
military officers, who were not in known sympathy with 
the popular movement, were either forced to resign, or 
the men under their command voluntarily disbanded and 
reorganized under other leaders. New companies were 
started, beginning with an artillery company in Marble- 
head for Avhich subscriptions were opened early in No- 

The expedition of Col. Leslie, on the 26th of Febru- 
ary, 1775, and the affair at the North Bridge in Salem, 
when the first bloodshed of the revolution occurred, pre- | 
sent a theme inviting discussion, when the anniversary of 
that day arrives. To this subject I only advert, as to one 
incident among many, indicating to what lengths the 
people were then prepared to go in resenting what they 
deemed unconstitutional interference. 

Col. Leslie's encounter, however, led to two other pro- 
ceedings, important as illustrating the determined spirit 


of independence here prevalent. The surprise and in- 
dignation which that event excited were followed by a 
conviction of the necessity of more thorough preparation 
for hostilities. Accordingly, the town militia were more 
diligently exercised, and a general muster was ordered, 
to take place in School street, now Washington street, on 
the 14th of March. All persons liable to military duty 
were summoned to appear, equipped with proper arms 
and accoutrements.* 

Burning with indignation at the outrage attempted by 
Leslie, the recollection of which grew more exasperating 
with the lapse of time, the sight of the colors under which 
their invaders marched w T as intolerable to the militia. 
Another standard was therefore prepared, to be used for 
rallying the men, and, afterwards, to be displayed at the 
muster ; and an ample sheet of pure, white bunting, bear- 
ing, on one side, a green piue-tree, and, on the reverse, the 
words, "an appeal to Heaven," was received with general 
applause. | The brig Betsey, carrying, as passengers, two 

♦Essex Gazette, 1775, No. 345. 

fThe silence of the military journals of the revolution, and of the 
contemporary press and historians, on so important a matter as the 
flag borne by the colonial forces, has given rise to doubts, which have 
not yet been removed, as to the date of adoption and the extent of 
use of the several flags which are known to have preceded the "stars 
and stripes." Probably, in the beginning of the conflict, each colony 
chose its own device; and after the forces were combined a general 
standard was agreed upon which varied in some small particulars at 
different times and. places. All that is known on the subject may be 
found in Preble's admirable "History of the American Flag." Albany : 
I 1872. 

The Massachusetts Assembly formally adopted the pine-tree flag, 
April 11, 1776; but it had been in use here the previous year. It was, 
undoubtedly, the flag mentioned in Paul Lnnt's diary, July 18, 1775. 
In the autumn of 1775 it was used on the floating batteries about 
Boston, and also by our privateers. 

The first vessel of the American navy, the " Alfred," Com. Hopkins* 


refugees from Salem,* conveyed the news to Bristol, and > 
on the 17th of April, two clays before the Battle of Lex- 
ington, the "Gentlemen's Magazine" announced to the 
British public that the Americans had hoisted their stan- 
dard of liberty at Salem. 

If the spirits of the departed were ever permitted to 

displayed a flag nearly identical with this in Dec, 1775. Naturally, 
vessels of war would adopt the standard recognized in the chief mari- 
time towns, from which they either sailed or received enlistments, 
and the fact of the appearance of this flag in 1775 on the high seas 
would seem to confirm the uniform tradition that this was the "stan- 
dard of liberty " raised in Salem. 

A still stronger corroboration of the tradition was the display, at 
Salem, of the pine-tree banner, in the semi-centennial celebration of 
July 4, 1826, and the frequent reference then made to it as " the revo- 
lutionary banner,". in the presence of many surviving soldiers of the 
revolution, chief among whom, and president of the clay, was the 
veteran Col. Timothy Pickering. 

Mr. Colman, the orator of the occasion, pointing to the banner, ex- 
claimed, "There stands the simple and affecting memorial of this 
great event, upborne by the same hands which sustained it in that trying 
period; 'We appeal to Heaven.'" "The effect" of this allusion, 
says the Salem Gazette of July 7, 1826, "was electrical." This ban- 
ner, which was made for the occasion, is preserved in the cabinet of 
the Essex Institute. 

If we bear in mind that the war was commenced by the colonists 
under sincere professions of loyalty to the crown, and only, as they 
maintained, in defence of their constitutional liberties against a tyran- 
nical ministry, we shall not be surprised to find occasional mention of 
the display of the old flag of the province, by the colonial forces. This 
was very similar to the flag of the British army, the only difference 
being in the design in the canton or upper angle of the field next the 
staff. This device is represented as a pine tree in one instance, and 
two hemispheres severed in another. — Vide Preble, ut supra. 

From a paper on file, in our county records, for the discovery of 
which we are indebted to Hon. James Kimball, it appears that the old 
colonial tlag-of 1675 was red, with a white canton bearing the cross of 
St. George, also red, and a blue ball for difference. See Bulletin of 
the Essex Institute, vol. 4, pp. 50, 51. 

* Benjamin Pickman, Esq., and Capt. Thomas Poynton. Essex 
Gazette, 1774, No. 346. 



take note of mundane affairs, the stern and pallid features 
of Endieott must have kindled with a glow of life and 
warmth, as he saw the symbol of idolatry which, one 
hundred and forty years before, he had cut out from the 
national ensign, with the point of his sword, now laid 
aside, first and forever, in the town which his energy 
helped to establish. 

The old manual of exercises of 1764, which had been 
recommended by the Provincial Congress, was used at the 
muster ; but the necessity of some improvement was man- 
ifest, and, on the very clay of the muster, notice appeared 
in the Essex Gazette, that Col. Timothy Pickering's new 
manual, which he had been for some time preparing, 
would be ready in about three weeks.* This laid the 
foundation of the military system of the Continental 
armies. | Its author lived to see this handful of unskilled 
militia swell to a great army ; to see that army stand 
before the trained legions of Europe, on many a bloody 
field, and finally, bear off, as well-earned trophies, the 
white damask flag of the Hessian mercenaries, and the 
proud ensign of Britain. 

At this point let us pause and recapitulate the events 
which, in the brief period of nine months, gave our be- 
loved town an enviable history. 

Here, we have seen, were convened the last Provincial 
Assembly and first Provincial Congress ; here were chosen 
the first delegates to the Continental Congress ; here the 
assembled province first formally renounced allegiance to 
the Imperial Legislature ; here was made the first attempt 
to enforce the last oppressive acts of parliament, and here 

* Essex Gazette, 1775, No. 346. 

fit was adopted by the Massachusetts Assembly, May 1, 1776, and 
a copy of the second edition, published that year, is in the library or 
the Essex Institute. 


that attempt was resisted ; here, though no mortal wound 
was given, was shed the first blood of the American Rev- 
olution ; here was first organized the nucleus of an army ; 
and here the banner of independence first spoke defiance, 
as it flapped and rustled in the wind. 

I am aware that opposite views have been expressed 
concerning the purposes of the leaders of the Revolution 
in respect to independence. But, with due deference to 
those whose study of the subject has brought them to a 
different conclusion, I venture to affirm that this contra- 
riety of opinion hinges on the meaning of a word.* Our 
English critics have been disposed to trace the progress 
of independence, which the}' confound with separation, 
back to the earliest colonial times, and to charge the colo- 
nists with insincerity in their constant professions of loy- 
alty. Others, applying the same meaning to the word, 
have denied that the idea of independence was enter- 
tained until about the time of the Declaration at Phila- 
delphia.! Both of these views are reconciled without 
impeaching the honor of our forefathers, and without any 
perversion of history, when we admit that independence, 
in the sense of entire, local self-government, was always 
kept in view by the colonists, claimed by them as a right 
expressly conferred by their charters, or compacts with 

* It is remarkable that the uncertain application of the same word 
to parties in the great English revolution led Rapin to exclaim, "After 
all my pains, I have not been able to discover, precisely, the first rise 
of the Independent sect or faction." Mosheim, more profound and 
accurate than Rapin, was more successful. See Mosheim's Hist., Ed. 
1790, Vol. 5, pp. 405-6, note q. 

•fThe history of American Independence has been most thoroughly 
treated by Frothingham, in his masterly "Rise of the Republic,"— a 
book which should be read in all our common schools. The author 
invariably uses the word independence in the sense of separation, but 
he docs not suppress or pervert the facts. 


the Sovereign, and defended, as their heritage by the 
fundamental common-law, or those acknowledged princi- 
ples of government which limit, alike, the jurisdiction of 
parliament and the prerogatives of the crown, and are 
now embraced under the comprehensive name of the Brit- 
ish Constitution. 

This was the independence that Samuel Adams intended 
when, as Hutchinson informs us, he concluded his speech, 
in 1769, with the words, "Independent we are, and inde- 
pendent we will be ! " and we have Jefferson's own state- 
ment that the independence he looked forward to was 
such exemption from the control of parliament as the 
Kingdom of Hanover might claim, or such as Scotland 
maintained before the union.* This was what the colo- 
nists universally demanded, and for this, and this alone, 
they resorted to arms. 

The right of the parent state to bind the colonies by 
such negotiations with foreign enemies or- allies, as the 
welfare of all required, and to regulate navigation on the 
high seas, they never denied. 

The assertion that under outward professions of loy- 
alty the colonists secretly aspired to separation has never 
been, and, I venture to say, never will be proved. Had 
the claims of the colonies been granted, they would have 
ha.d no motive for separation. Under such circumstances, 
it would have been but the exchange of the protection 
of an empire, for the empty glory of a name. 

Nothing but obstinate prepossession, or utter inatten- 
tion to the arguments and statements repeatedly made, 

* "I took the ground that " * * " the relation between Great Britain 
and these colonies was exactly the same as that of England and Scot- 
land, after the accession of James, and until the union, and the same 
as her present relations with Hanover, having the same executive 
chief, but no other necessary political connection." — Jefferson's Auto- 



by and in behalf of the colonies, could lead to the conclu- 
sion that they did not mean what they professed, or that 
the only relations they were willing to maintain with the 
parent state, were inconsistent with loyalty, nominal, or 
absurd. Biassed by such prepossessions, and the sug- 
gestions of our enemies, too often did the privy council, 
and the Lords of trade, reach results unfavorable to our 
character and aims, from a view of facts that might, easily 
and naturally, have received a construction diametrically 

But for the short-sightedness of Britain we might to-day 
have been her subjects. Would it have diminished her 
greatness, disturbed her peace, or injured her prosperity, if 
she had retained her hold upon us, by adopting the Amer- 
ican policy, in accordance with the advice of her best and 
wisest men? "Let us reflect," Said the good Bishop of 
St. Asaph, in his speech intended for the House of Lords, 
on the bill for the better regulating the government of Mas- 
sachusetts, — "Let us reflect that, before these innovations 
were thought of, by following the line of good conduct 
which had been marked out by our ancestors, we gov- 
erned North America with mutual benefit to them and 
ourselves. It was a happy idea that made us first con- 
sider them rather as instruments of commerce than as 
objects of government." This is the New England idea 
happily presented ; and how do these generous sentiments 
shine, in contrast with the miserable doctrine of Sir Wil- 
liam Blackstone, concerning the power of parliament over 
these colonies — a doctrine based on the fiction that ours 
was a conquered territory, and our rights, only such as 
were vouchsafed by the clemency or bounty of the con- 
queror ! * How, unlike, too, those pettifogging arguments 

♦See Sharswood's edition of Blackstone's Commentaries, Vol. i, p. 
1 07, and the note Lry the American editor. 


on the abstract power of parliament, which could be log- 
ically reduced to the proposition that the solemn pledges 
of the Great Charter, and every article in the Bill of 
Rights, nay, even parliament itself, existed solely, by the 
sufferance of the king's most excellent majesty, by and 
with the advice and consent of the lords spiritual and 
temporal, and commons, in parliament, for the time 
being, assembled ! 

As the history of the revolution becomes more thor- 
oughly studied, interest will not be so exclusively felt in 
those later scenes which have been oftenest depicted — 
the final separation from the mother country, the larger 
military movements, and the incidents attending and fol- 
lowing the close of the war; the earlier stages, — of de- 
bate, of personal heroism, and of the first organized re- 
sistance will be more eagerly studied. To the men and 
doings of the Puritan commonwealth, the student of 
English history is quickly remitted, to find a key to the 
sudden mastery of great ideas exhibited by the historic 
personages who gave lustre to the reign of William and 

Our independence was not the growth of a year, or of 
ten years. It began in the infancy of the colonies ; and 
found its best tutelage here in New England. 

The founders of these states were Englishmen, with all 
the characteristics which that name implies when spoken 
of those who did most to establish the reputation and 
shape the destiny of England in the sixteenth century. 
Their clergymen were, almost without exception, gradu- 
ates of the great English universities ; — well versed in the 
learning of their time, deeply interested in all political 
and ecclesiastical movements, and with a strong bias 
against un-English tendencies in church or state. Next 
to the Bible and the Catechism, they knew the old Charter. 


They discussed it line by line, and word by word ; and, 
as, from the Pentateuch they were able to deduce a civil 
and moral code minutely particular, so, in this instrument, 
they found authority for, or, at least, no obstacle to, the 
advanced ideas of political liberty which they had imbibed 
elsewhere. Children were taught to consider it the source 
of inestimable blessings ; and the old men were glad to 
relate its perilous history. 

The sentiments which the fathers had entertained for 
the Charter of King Charles, were, by their posterity, 
transferred to the Charter of William and Mary. True, 
this new Charter reserved to the Crown the appointment 
of the chief executive officers of the province — a feature 
which was, at first, earnestly opposed; but, as these 
officers, when not native born and enjoying public confi- 
dence, had, sometimes, commended themselves to popular 
favor in various ways, hostility to the Charter, on this 
account, grew feeble, and, finally ceased. The King had 
also reserved in this instrument the right to reject the acts 
of their legislature ; but this negative voice, though it 
might embarrass them and retard their progress in some 
directions, was not a positive encroachment on their in- 

In a school of politics thus peculiar, and confined to 
few and simple issues, our fathers were educated. The 
absence of complex interests in their political and civil 
affairs, led to clearness in their perception, and adroitness 
and force in their treatment, of topics of political contro- 
versy. For a long time before what the good Bishop of 
St. Asaph calls " these innovations " were started in par- 
liament, they had, skilfully, and generally with success, 
conducted a diplomatic contest with the privy council, and 
the Lords of trade, who, from courteously advising and 
negativing, had begun, in a more imperious tone, to direct 


and order. From the privy council they had been in- 
clined to appeal to parliament; not, indeed, with the idea 
of surrendering their independence, but to secure a pow- 
erful ally in the defence of their rights under the charter, 
or as submitting their case to a referee accepted by their 
opponents. While the prospect of redress by parliament 
was fair, they were disposed to look too exclusively to 
that quarter for a remedy, and had well-nigh submitted to 
some encroachment, on their traditional autonomy. The 
joint operations of the home government and the colonies, 
in the wars with France and Spain, had the effect, in a 
great measure, to push aside, as of secondary importance, 
questions that in times of peace had appeared of vital 

When it was discovered that the chances of securing a 
recognition of their claims by parliament were even less 
encouraging than at the council-board, they began to cor- 
rect their recent error. They repudiated the authority of 
parliament ; first, in matters of internal government. 
And, though they appealed in vain to their own courts 
for the preservation of their rights under the charter, 
their success in parliament encouraged them, in due 
time, to deny the authority of parliament in all matters 
of external government peculiarly affecting them ; and 
they came back, at length, to the original claim of the 
fathers, — to entire exemption from legislative and execu- 
tive interference in all matters of government, except in 
those particulars stipulated in the charter ; in short, to 
the claim of local independence. 

This point they had reached at the time of the events 
we have been considering. 

• Having thus viewed the outward incidents in which the 
event we commemorate is clothed, — the garb in which it 
moves across the stage in the grand drama of history, and 


having, I fear, overstepped the .limits which the occasion, 
and your patience, prescribe, by a too dry and a very im- 
perfect representation of the interior processes which led 
up to this eventi I shall not trespass upon your indulgence 
by pursuing these subjects further. 

The theme is fruitful of suggestions, appropriate and 
deeply interesting. How it tempts us, for instance, to 
emphasize the distinction between liberty and indepen- 
dence, to look both backward and forward from this event, 
for epochs in the history of personal independence — of 
individual liberty; to trace the indebtedness of Massa- 
chusetts, for this blessing, to a despised sect, now fast 
dissolving in the beams of toleration ; to note' how that 
toleration had been secured in this colony by the meek 
persistency of the same sect — the long-suffering Quakers 
— almost a generation before the great act of William 
and Mary ; how Thomas Maule, a Quaker, in this very 
town, and in the court house which preceded the building 
of 1774, vindicated the freedom of the press, and the 
right of the jury to judge of the law, as well as of the 
fact, in criminal cases, more than two generations before 
the discussion of the same issues in Westminster Hall 
shook the very foundations of the British throne ;* how 
the Quaker inhabitants of Dartmouth and Tiverton, a 
generation later still, secured, for the members of their 
own sect, an exemption from the support of the ministers 
and meeting-houses of another denomination ; f and how 
this exemption was, afterward, extended to the Baptists, 
and, finally, to all citizens. 

♦See an account of this trial in Chandler's American Criminal 
Trials, and in Historical Collections of the Essex Institute, Vol. iii, 
pp. 238-253. 

t See Acts and Resolves of the Province of Mass. Bay, Vol. ii, note 
to the act of 1722-23, chap. 8, on p. 2G9. 


On an occasion like this, when the heart is stirred by 
patriotic emotions, and the cheek mantles with the glow 
of pride, as we recount the peculiar blessings of liberty 
which we enjoy, it is well to make some inquiry after the 
forgotten few by whose testaments, sealed with their 
blood, we, the descendants of their persecutors, have re- 
ceived these invaluable legacies, and to make, even thus 
late, an acknowledgment as free and broad as the bounty 

The story of the past intimate connection between the 
two kindred nations, revived by this great occasion, and 
the change of feeling which a century has wrought, irre- 
sistibly impel us, at this time, to do something to remove 
any lingering trace of that old and indiscriminate preju- 
dice against the country whose ministers inflicted such 
harsh and unnatural wrongs upon our fathers ; to plead 
that the abuses of a party, however large, should not 
forever be laid to the charge of a nation ; to invoke a 
larger measure of love and veneration for the great char- 
acters who, in both houses of parliament, on the bench, 
and in the cabinet, were our stanch friends throughout 
our contest with the mother country ; and to pay a fresh 
tribute of gratitude and sympathy to our warm friends, in 
the great community of England, who were forced to bear 
their portion of the burden of a useless and fratricidal 
war, — a war begun and continued against their entreaties, 
and absorbing from the public treasury the enormous sum 
of one hundred millions of pounds sterling. 

As we recall the eloquence of Chatham and Burke, 
Barre and Conway ; the efforts of the representatives 
from London ; the mild persuasion of Jonathan Shipley, 
Bishop of St. Asaph ; and, above all, the intense earnest- 
ness and the mighty weight of authority which Lord 
Camden unsuccessfully brought to the support of his views 


of our cause, — views so accordant with those of our own 
patriots that, while we read, we query whether, after all, 
his ideas were not furnished from Boston; — when we 
behold that array of noble names in the House of Lords, 
which, once and again, appears subscribed to a protest 
against the passage of the acts of tyranny ; when we read 
the appeals in our behalf by the mayor, aldermen and 
livery of the city of Loudon, — we begin to feel, as our 
fathers felt, that skies may change, but not the hearts of 
those who pass beyond the sea. We are at home, once 
more, on the green sward of England, all aglow with our 
old-time love and admiration. 

'Tis true, alas ! that there was the darker and the pre- 
vailing side. But the minority who were with us far out- 
weigh, in point of character and intellect, the misinformed 
and infatuated crowd opposed to us. The thoughts of 
Joseph Priestly, Richard Price, and Lord Camden, will 
be studied with profit by coming generations wherever 
our tongue is spoken ; while the "Taxation no Tyranny" 
of Dr. Johnson; the imitations of his weak idolaters; 
John Wesley's abridgment of the Doctor's tract, — his 
prayers for our overthrow, and those Wesleyan songs, 
breathing anathemas and invoking Divine vengeance upon 
us, have passed into oblivion. Possibly, by the aid of 
the bookbinder, they have been turned to their only useful 
purpose — pasted, it may be, in the backs of elegant edi- 
tions of the speeches of William Pitt and Edmund Burke. 

The mention of these thino's must suffice. Resisting 
the temptation to wander further from our immediate 
theme, let us turn once more to the earnest men whose 
daring and fortitude secured the boon of independence 
which has been transmitted to us, their posterity. What 
inspired them to attempt so great an enterprise, and why 
were they successful ? 


We have been accustomed to hear it said that our fathers 
were sensitive of their rights, persistent in their purposes, 
unwearied in endeavor and fortunate in achievement be- 
cause of their education ; that they had been taught to 
cherish every tradition of liberty, and ever to aspire to 
the high ideal presented by the self-sacrifice, courage and 
devotion of their fathers. Be it so ; then this is a suffi- 
cient reason for imitating their example, and fully justi- 
fies what we are doing to-day in commemoration of their 

But was there not a deeper and more comprehensive 
cause than this? Something not accidental, nor elective ; 
not dependent upon tradition, times or circumstances, but 
inherent ; sure to produce the same peculiarities in every 
generation, and under all circumstances ; something spon- 
taneous, irrepressible, constitutional? 

Start not when I affirm that there was such a cause : it 
lay in the superiority of the American stock. 

Superiority in the feudal sense may not always indicate 
native excellence, yet the distinctions of rank were, orig- 
inally, the badge of preeminent services rendered to what 
represented the state, and, in early times, when pecuniary 
possessions were insecure, they were the only adequate 
rewards which could be conferred for superior valor and 
virtue. Families which can be traced step by step, for 
centuries, must have possessed some commanding qual- 
ities to have continued to hold a conspicuous place among 
their contemporaries, and to have thus marked their 
course by enduring monuments. 

In the great struggle for existence I think it will be 
found, that not only the strongest and healthiest survive, 
but that, in the end, the best prevail and make the most 
permanent impressions. Indeed, if this is not so, the 
world is surely retrograding and the highest hopes of 
mankind are a snare and a delusion. 


Our fathers from the first cared perhaps too little for 
what they considered the accidents of birth and lineage; 
and, except in the case of John Adams, and the few who 
shared his views, there was a universal tendency among 
the revolutionary patriots to suppress even the mention 
of family superiority. But, though they would not boast 
of it, they could not be insensible of its influence not 
only on the character of the people, but as a motive of 
conduct. Time has lifted the veil which the Puritans and 
revolutionary republicans allowed to fall between the 
public eye and their family records. All around us are 
surnames, inherited from the first immigrants, that are 
to be found in Domesday-Book and the Roll of Battle 
Abbey. The later investigations of genealogists have 
surprised us with their revelations of the antiquity and 
historic eminence of a large number of early New Eng- 
land families. Several hundred elaborate pedigrees have 
now been published, some of which have been traced 
through noble lines, with names and dates, from genera- 
tion to generation, back to the days of the Plantagenets, 
and the house of Blois.* In our probate files, among 
private papers, and on neglected tombstones in the oldest 
grave-yards are yet to be seen the arms of many families 
whose connection with their ancient kindred in England 

* Savage's Genealogical Dictionary of New England, in four vol- 
umes, Whitmore's American Genealogist, and the Heraldic Journal, 
exhibit striking evidence of the accurate and full manner in which 
family histories are preserved in New England, and of the social supe- 
riority of the colonists. Savage declares, '"Even if our views be 
restricted to the lineal origin of those people here, when the long 
protracted impolicy of Great Britain drove our fathers into open hos- 
tility, and forced them to become a nation in 1776, in that century and 
a half from its colonization, a purer Anglo Saxon race would be seen 
on this side of the ocean than on the other;" and Whitmore affirms 
that nine-tenths of our native citizens can prove their descent for 
eight generations, and at each step find a man of distinguished posi- 
tion. There are no better authorities. 


has thus been pointed out and subsequently verified. We 
know as a matter of history that in those grave-yards re- 
poses the dust of descendants of Saxon earls and Norman 
kings. A Puritan daughter of the Earl of Lincoln, de- 
scendants of the Earls of Northumberland, and the fa- 
mous old family of St. John, share here, without a monu- 
ment, a common receptacle with the posterity of Bishops 
Morton, Bonner and Still, and the known kindred of 
Archbishops Cranmer and Grindal. These are our kins- 
folk and ancestry, and no foolish affectation of self-abase- 
ment, after the style of Mr. Bounderby,* and no fear of 
derision should deter us from a frank avowal of the fact. 

Why should the man who discriminates between his 
Berkshire pig and a common shote, or jealously guards the 
pedigrees of his thoroughbred cattle and horses, admit 
nothing in favor of the transmission of good qualities in 
his own kind ? It matters not whether transmitted excel- 
lence in the human family be congenital or traditionary. 
Either way the fact is most satisfactorily illustrated in the 
history of Puritan New England, and may account for the 
marked purity, frugality, industry, intelligence, courage 
and enterprise of her people in all generations. 

Though, for want of evidence, I am not prepared to 
assert that this condition of society prevailed in the other 
colonies, it is unquestionable that the Revolution was not 
a protest against rank and titles. Samuel Adams de- 
clared that "The seeds of aristocracy began to spring 
even before the conclusion of our struggle for the natural 
rights of men."f At the close of the war there was more 

* " What would Mr. Bounderby say?" — Gradgrind. 

" Not that a ditch was new to me, for I was born in a ditch."— 
Bounderby. " Hard Times" chaps. 3 and 4. 

fThe Life, etc., of Samuel Adams, by William V. Wells, Vol. iii, 
p. 316. 


than mere discussion as to the propriety of establishing 
something like the European system here. Fortunately, 
the more democratic ideas prevailed. Our fathers wisely 
concluded that hereditary offices and honors were exces- 
sive compensation for the highest services which it is 
possible for any member of society to render. It seemed 
to them that they had gone far enough in that direction in 
continuing the principle of inheritance of property,— in 
permitting the wealth acquired by the skill or industry 
of one to pass intact to his descendants, who might be 
drones in society, and utterly unworthy to possess it. 

Besides their natural inclination to dwell on the history 
and example of their forefathers, and their conviction of 
the legal soundness of their claims to the right of local in- 
dependence, they were instinctively hopeful of the future. 

The vision of a New Canaan in this wilderness, — that 
prognostication of ancient Puritan seers, which had been 
repeated in Puritan sermons and borne aloft on Puritan 
prayers ; a prospect which had nerved them in battle, 
supported them in hardships, encouraged them to enter- 
prise on the sea, and in the settlement of new r territory, 
and made their exile from their native land not only tol- 
erable but happy, grew in their descendants into a fore- 
sight of a great and prosperous state, eclipsing the effete 
kingdoms of the old world and becoming the chief gem 
in the British crown. 

Nor was the idea peculiar to them. Their hopes 
ripened into assurance when they read the concurrent tes- 
timony of European bards and philosophers. Forty years 
before, they had committed to memory the stirring pre- 
diction of Bishop Berkeley : — 

"The muse, disgusted at an age and clime 
Barren of every glorious theme, 
In distant lauds now waits a better time, 
Producing subjects worthy fame. 


There shall be sung another golden age, 

The rise of empire and of arts, 
The good and great inspiring epic rage, 

The wisest heads and noblest hearts. 

Not such as Europe breeds in her decay, 
Such as she bred when fresh and young, 
* When heavenly flame did animate her clay, 

By future poets shall be sung. 

Westward the course of empire takes its way ; 

The four first acts already past, 
A fifth shall close the drama with the day; 

Time's noblest offspring is the last.*' 

Minds thus certain of their rights, proud of their his- 
tory, and constitutionally hopeful of a great destiny, 
would naturally be conscious of their dignity. They 
would be apt to resent any treatment implying indiffer- 
ence or contempt, and would submit to no imposition. 
While such men might lavishly respond to applications 
for favors, they would indignantly refuse the slightest 

The claim of the Home Government to be reimbursed 
by the colonies a portion of the expenses incurred in the 
reduction of the French possessions in America, —the 
claim which was embodied in the acts of parliament that 
led to the revolt of the colonies — was considered by the 
latter as grossly unjust and inequitable. The colonists 
could not forget the story of alternate hope and disappoint- 
ment, — the sad tale recorded in the annals of New Eng- 
land through a whole century — of their own endeavors 
to take and hold those possessions ; of long, expensive war, 
signalized, it is true, by heroic achievements and crowned 
with the laurels of victory, but yet involving bloodshed, 
misery, poverty and despair. 



Acadia and Canada wrested from the French before the 
settlement of Boston, but restored by the perfidious 
Charles, at St. Germain ; — Acadia re-conquered by New 
England forces in the time of the commonwealth, but re- 
surrendered to France, after the Restoration, by the treaty 
of Breda; — Port Royal, and the whole coast westward, 
again taken by New England in 1690, but seven years 
later, together with Labrador, Hudson's Bay, Canada and 
the great Mississippi valley, ignominiously given back to 
France by the treaty of Ryswick ; — Port Royal once more 
rescued from French dominion by the united forces of Old 
and New England, in 1710, to be held only three years, 
and then basely returned by the tieaty of Utrecht; — the 
capture of Louisbourg and Cape Breton in 1745, and their 
restoration to France at Aix la Chapelle in 1748 ; — the 
conquest of Nova Scotia under Gen. Winslow in 1755 ; — 
the losses of the colonies in previous unsuccessful attempts, 
and their contributions to the recent war, seemed not only 
to entitle them to exemption from further burdens but to 
merit ampler acknowledgment from the mother country, 
than they had yet received. 

Indeed, the forbearance of the colonies to press de- 
mands for reimbursement of their comparatively enor- 
mous expenses, incurred in extending and preserving the 
dominions of the Crown, can only be explained by the 
fact that. they deemed it but a necessary incident to local 
independence, and that if they were incapable of main- 
taining their local dominion without assistance, they could 
not expect the home government to recognize their right 
to claim it. 

I will pursue the theme no further. The slow march 
of a century has brought the mother and her distant prog- 
eny into new and more amicable relations. Unity of 
thought and language have inseparably blended their 


literature and their science. The common law of both is 
expounded alike in their courts of justice, and the pro- 
gressive tendencies of their legislation are identical. 
The ancient social distinctions of the mother country 
have lost much of the exclusiveness which formerly char- 
acterized them, and England no longer wears an aspect 
of hopeless senility but begins to realize the vision of the 
great Puritan bard : — 

"Methinks I see in my mind a noble and puissant 
nation rousing herself like a strong man after sleep, and 
shaking her invincible locks ; methinks I see her as an 
eagle mewing her mighty youth, and kindling her un- 
dazzled eyes at the full midday beam." 

In all directions we find a marked progress, in both 
countries, towards the embodiment of the grand idea of 
human brotherhood. Following the example of England, 
the United States have abolished the system of involun- 
tary servitude, with all its demoralizing influences. We 
take a common pride in the thought that our language 
has already begun to be the chosen vehicle of science, 
and we unite in rejoicing in the belief that it will, one 
clay, be the universal tongue. 

Has not the time arrived for forgetting all feuds, bury- 
ing all animosities, and uniting the two nations by a 
mutual pledge to abolish war, succor the oppressed, en- 
lighten the ignorant, replace misery and poverty with joy 
and plenty, and set an example to all nations of dignity 
without tinsel and power without tyranny? 

As a step towards this happy consummation, I suggest 
that, in the coming centennial celebration at Philadelphia, 
we unveil the statues of Charles Pratt, Lord Camden, — 
always the firm friend of America, — and Samuel Adams, 
our first patriot. 

Whether the anniversary of our separation be thus 


felicitously marked or not, it needs not the gift of proph- 
ecy to discern that the time is coming when the proud 
empress of the seas, laying aside her ancient diadem, 
will point to our prosperous states — her children — and 
say to the world " These are my jewels ! " 




Continued from page 196. 

July 31. (Monday.) Particulars of the affair which 
took place between Fort Edward and Half-way Brook 
have now come in. There were thirty-five ox-teams, with 
a number of passengers, of whom at least a dozen were 
women, and they had an armed escort of forty-five men. 
They had got about five miles from Fort Edward when 
they were attacked. Of the teamsters more than twenty 
were killed, and four or five of the women. . Of those 
who fled, some got so over-heated and exhausted that it 
caused their death. Col. Hart, of New Hampshire, who 
commands at Fort Edward, on hearing the guns, went 
out with a small force, but halted when in sight of the 
enemy. Meanwhile this enemy, finding some strong 
drink in the carts, had made themselves drunk with it. 
Capt. Burbank, being on his wa} r to Fort Edward with 
forty-five men, discovered the condition of the Indians, 
and called on Hart to help him destroy them. This aid 
Hart refused, and is now under arrest. Then Burbank 
attacked and dispersed the enemy. 

A "battoe" from Eogers came in to-day, bringing a 
man who belonged to Lord Howe's Reg*, but who de- 
serted before we went down the Lake. 'Tis said that 
Rogers would have cut off the enemy returning with their 



prisoners and spoils, had he been only an hour sooner. 
A reinforcement of 200 men and provisions for Lyman, 
Haviland and Rogers, were sent down the Lake this 
evening. To-morrow morning at six o'clock 500 Provin- 
cials and 300 Regulars, with provisions for three days, 
are to set out for Half-way Brook. 

Aug. 1. (Tues.) The detachment which left this 
morning for Half-way Brook is under the command of a 
Lieut. Col. of Regulars and of Lt. Col. Payson 1 and Maj. 
Ingersoll 2 of the Provincials. Sixty-six of the men (in- 
cluding officers, are from Col. Bagley's Reg 1 . 

Chaplain's meeting to-day. The prayers by J. C. and 
by Mr. Ogilvie, whose prayer is described as "excellent, 
pertinent, serious and fervent." The New England chap- 
lains "are greatly pleased with this prayer and his free- 
dom from that bigotry which prevails very much among 
New England Church Ministers." 

2. (Wed.) A rumor this morning that Cape Breton 
is taken — but it turns out to be premature. From the 
Boston Prints we learn that the English have silenced 
the enemy's tire in ships and harbor, and were playing on 
the town with seventy pieces of cannon and twenty-four 
mortars. A letter came to-day "from Governor Pownall 
to the Provincial Colonels, recommending unanimity and 
harmony with the Regular officers, and subordination to 
the general officers." This evening, Gen. Lyman and Col. 
Haviland returned from down the Lake, having sent 
Major Rogers and Major Putnam with 800 men and ten 

1 Lt. Col. Payson served under Amherst in the campaign of 1759. 
See De Peyster's Journal, p. 76. 

* Maj. Joskpii Ingkksoll was of Bagley's regiment. I have not been 
able to trace him farther. De Peyster states that on the loth of June? 
17.VJ, Lt. Col. Ingersoll was the Picquet Field officer. Was he the 
Major of 1758? 


days' provisions to South Bay. They are to return by 
Wood Creek and Half-way Brook. There has been some 
delay, caused by an insufficient supply of provisions. "It 
seems to be our fate to suffer from delays and mistakes of 
this sort." J. C. dines to-day on venison at Col. New- 
hall's. With Mr. Woodbridge he calls on Mr. Ogilvie. 
"He treated us not only like a gentleman, but like a 
Christian; talked freely upon the doctrines of religion, 
and appears not only a sound but clear Calvinist." 

3. (Thurs.) Nothing remarkable. He writes to his 
wife, and has agreeable conversation with his fellow chap- 

4. (Friday.) Writes to his friend, Wm. Story. Meets 
with the chaplains for prayer. Mr. Pomeroy, being 
about to leave for Fort Edward, offers an affectionate 
petition. "It was a favored and gracious meeting." J. 
C. has letters from his wife, dated June 12 and 18, a 
letter from Esq. Choate, dated June 19. He calls on Mr. 
Pomeroy and his bro. Aaron, who are under orders to 
March to-morrow morning. 

Aug. 5. Sat. A part of Col. Fitch's Keg 1 left this 
morning. The chaplain converses with Corporal Stevens, 
who "is under some degree of soul -concern." The day 
mostly spent in preparing for the Sabbath. 

6. (Sabb.) The morning service delayed because the 
men were getting their "stores and allowance." A large 
attendance in the afternoon, of Regulars as well as Pro- 
vincials. The chaplain finds remarkable freedom of utter- 
ance and hopes that good is done. At evening prayers 
there were several Regular officers. One of these — Capt. 
Abercrombie 3 — "spake to me after prayers, and said f that 

3 This officer, who is mentioned more than once in the Journal, was 
a nephew of the commander-in-chief, and one of his aides. The first 
mention of Capt. Abercrombie, which I have seen, is in Rogers' 


religion was the only thing in an army if we would hope 
for good success.' " 

7. Monday. After morning prayers J. C. visits the 
sick. To-day Capt. Davis is tried before a general court 
martial, on the charges that he had given a false alarm of 
the enemy on the Lake, and that he had abandoned the 
boats which were put under his charge by Maj. Rogers. 
Witnesses were examined, but no sentence has yet been 
passed. He hears that Nehemiah Bnrnam died at Half- 
Moon, of a fever. The small pox is here, not only in 
General Lyman's Reg 1 , but among the Regulars. 

8. Tues. The chaplain's meeting prevented by a rumor 
that there is small pox near the place where it is held. 
Col. Hart's Regiment has returned to the Lake. A 
French captive, taken at South Bay, is brought in this 

Memoir, p. 35. Ho states that in the winter of 1757, Abercrombie, 
who was then Capt. of the 42d Highlanders, volunteered to accom- 
pany him. in a scouting excursion upon Lake George, at that time 
frozen over. That his party was attacked by the enemy in superior 
force, and was compelled to retreat. The wounded soon gave out, 
and must have been left to perish, had not Lieut. Stark, with two 
others, volunteered to go to Fort William Henry for sleighs. The 
snow was four feet deep, and the distance, forty miles. Travelling 
with snow shoes, they made the terrible journey in a single day, and 
saved their comrades. It was in this engagement that Kogers, being 
shot through the wrist, made a pledget of his queue, and having 
stopped the flow of blood, went on with the fight. 

Rogers also gives a letter which he received from Capt. Aber- 
crombie, full of courage and patriotism. In 1759, Capt. Abercrombie 
acted as aide to Gen. Amherst. He attained to the rank of Major in 
1760, and ten years later to that of Lieut. Colonel. Once, and only 
once more, we inert with this gallant and generous soldier. On the 
17th of June, 177."). Col. Abercrombie, at the stern behest of military 
power, led his stately grenadiers against entrenchments defended, as 
he well knew, by men, with some of whom he had shared in all the 
dangers and hardships of the old French War. As the noble-hearted 
officer was borne, mortally wounded, from the field, he begged his 
men to spare the life of his old friend Tut nam. 


evening. A French deserter has come in, — what he says, 
not yet known. Wm. Thomson, and several men from 
Cape Ann, have just joined the army. Mr. Daniel 
Appleton brings a letter from M. C. 

i). Wed. Report in the morning that Maj. Rogers has 
fallen in with the enemy, and got the better of them. Tn 
the evening there is something more, to wit. : that Maj. 
Rogers and Maj. Putnam have had a brush with the 
French and Indians at Wood Creek, near Fort Ann ; 
that our men were marching in Indian file; that Maj. 
Rogers and a Regular officer were firing at marks upon a 
wager ; that the enemy, being on the road in front of 
them, heard the firing and lay in wait ; that after our 
force, with the exception of Maj. Putnam and twelve or 
fourteen men, had passed by, the enemy fell on these, and 
killed and scalped the most of them. Then our troops 
formed in line and made a stand for about an hour, when 
the enemy drew off. It is said also that Rogers has got 
nine scalps and two prisoners. Also that tw T o of our 
men, after being scalped, have got into Fort Edward and 
are like to do well. Putnam is missing. 

10. Thurs. The sloop was launched this morning. (It 
j was begun on the 1.9th of July, and had been made 

ready for launching in 22 days.) One of Capt. Moore's 
company died last night. The first death from sickness 
and in camp that has occurred in Bagley's Reg*. 

A letter from Col. Choate, of Ipswich, to Col. Bagley, 
dated July 17, mentions that "my wife's bro., Lieut. 
! Neh ra Dodge, was buried a few days before." "The Lord 
sanctify this heavy stroke to his surviving mother and 
children, to my mourning wife and to me, for good." 

11. Friday. Public prayers omitted by Bagley's regi- 
ment — the whole army being ordered to muster at 6 
A.M., that they might search for spies. This was owing 


to deserters who had come in from Ticonderoga, and who, 
on examination, said that there was on the way, or prob- 
ably already in the camp, a tall, good-looking fellow, 
with red hair, who could speak English, and who was 
sent as a spy. The search, however, was fruitless. 
Through misinformation, J. C. misses the chaplain's prayer 
meeting to-day. Word comes from Fort Edward, that 
Maj. Rogers has got in there, and that he and Capt. Gid- 
dinge, with 300 men, set off this morning for Fort Miller 
— having heard that some of the enemy had been on the 
east side of the river. Men who were in Rogers's late 
fight have come in this evening. They say that Putnam 
was in front, that the enemy, having ambushed, attacked 
our front, that the killed and wounded on our part, ex- 
ceed a hundred, and that Rogers got more than fifty 
scalps. 4 The Indians would not have got this advantage, 
but "for an inconsiderate firing for sport on our part. An 
evident judgment ! " 

This morning 300 Regulars under one field officer, three 
captains, etc., and 500 provincials, under Lt. Col. Coit 5 
and Maj. Slap, 6 marched to Half- Way Brook to relieve 
Col. Paj-son and Maj. Ingersoll. A Flag of Truce from 
Ticonderoga came, it is said, last night, to the island on 
which our advanced guard is placed. P. M. we learn 
that the Flag of Truce has come to propose an exchange 
of prisoners. Maj. Putnam, now a prisoner at Ticonde- 

4 The adoption by men who called themselves civilized and Chris- 
tian, of a savage custom so cruel as scalping, shocking as it seems 
to us, was evidently regarded as right and proper, a hundred years 

5 " Col. Samuel Coit, in 1758, commanded a regiment raised in Nor- 
wich and its neighborhood, which wintered at Fort Edward." Cal- 
kins' Hist, of Norwich, p. 313. 

"Major Slap served also under Amherst in 1759. See De Peyster, 
p. 81, who also gives the name of Lieut. Col. Payson (see p. 76). 


roga, writes "that Lieut. Train and three privates were 
taken with him : that, according to French accounts, only 
four Indians (of the party which attacked Rogers) are 
among the missing ; and that he owes the preservation of 
his life, from the hands of the salvages, to M. Mourang, 
whom Rogers said he scalped and skinned his brest with 
his name wrote at large upon it." 7 

13. Sabb. The texts of the chaplain's sermons given 
as usual. An attentive audience. Many Regulars and 
Highlanders present. He learns that in a dispute the 
previous evening between two regulars, one of them 
killed the other with a blow of his fist. From Capt. 
Giddinge, who returned this afternoon and who was with 
Rogers in the fight, we get confirmation of the story 
concerning the firing at marks in the morning. He 
says that Rogers got 54 scalps and took two prisoners 
— that of our men 54 were killed or missing, and 40 

i were wounded. 

14. Monday. A regular is killed by the accidental 
discharge of a musket. Another regular is drowned while 
bathing in the Lake. Conversing in his tent with Mr. 
Wooclbridge, writing a sympathizing letter to his wife, 
calling around and chatting with his brother ministers — 
so the good chaplain passes the day, which is followed by 

i a cool evening. No certain news yet of the reduction of 

15. Tues. The Flag of Truce which came yesterday 
i went off this morning before light. Its object not yet 

published. Meeting of the chaplains : First and second 
prayers, Emerson and E. Cleaveland. Then came "agree- 

7 Putnam's kind-hearted preserver was M. Moulin, the commander 
of the French detachment. It is not strange that his foreign name 
suffered from English tongues and pens — but it is passing strange 
that the Ranger chieftain could make a boast so barbarous. 


able conversation." "Mr. Osfilvie led the discourse to 
our great entertainment." J. C. dines with Col. Hart I 
and Mr. Emerson, on salt fish. Teams come in from Fort | 
Edward. Richard Osgood, "a Spanish Indian" of Capt. 
Taplin's company, was buried to-day — the second death 
by sickness in our Reg 1 and in the camp. 

16. Wed. A letter from Mary Cleaveland (July 26) 
says that her brother died on the 8th of July. "Major 
Rogers dined with us to-day. He told us that some of 
his men came in to-day, who have just been on the battle- 
ground near Fort Ann, and who report having seen there 
about twenty dead Indians unscalped, and several French- 
men who were not discovered on the day of the action. 
They also say that they saw, near South Bay, a large body 
of French and Indians — perhaps a thousand. Rogers 
added that he had requested the General to send a rein- 
forcement to General Lyman, who marched for South 
Bay on Monday with a thousand men. 

17. Thurs. He feels very unwell. Writes to the Rev. 
Jonathan Parsons, 8 of Newbury port. Toward evening 

8 Jonathan Parsons was a native of West Springfield. He gradu- 
ated at Vale in 1720, and was for sixteen years the minister of Lyme 
Conn. Then for thirty years more he was pastor of the Federal St. 
Society in Newburyport. He was an earnest and able preacher, dis- 
'tinguished not, only for argumentative skill, but for his Latin and 
Greek and Hebrew lore. Mr. Parsons and Mr. Cleaveland were warm 
friends, agreeing, for the most part, in opinion, yet not without occa- 
sional differences, which led to animated discussions with tongue and 
pen. He was a friend of George Whitefield, and it was at his house 
that the greatest of pulpit orators suddenly closed his stormy yet 
brilliant career. Mr. Parsons died in 1770, aged seventy. His son, 
Samuel Holden Parsons, was a distinguished lawyer in Connecticut, 
an able and trusted ofliccr of the continental army during the war of 
revolution, and afterwards Chief Justice of the Northwestern Ter- 
ritory. A daughter of Mr. Parsons, by her marriage with Mose3 
(ireenlcaf, became the mother of Simon Greenleaf, Koyall and Dane 
Professor of law in the University at Cambridge. 


goes up the hill to Major Hawks's 9 quarters, where he 
prays and exhorts. 

18. Fri. After the chaplain's meeting he dines at Col. 
Pay son's. A French prisoner is brought in. He had 
been taken by some of Rogers's men, near Crown Pt., 
while engaged in harvesting his grain. Lieut. Brewer, 
who took him, says he saw many battocs on Lake Cham- 
plain, bound for Canada. 

19. Sat. Nothing special. 

20. Sabb. In the afternoon E. Cleaveland preached to 
the Rangers and the Royal Hunters ; J. C. to Col. Preble's 
regiment, and Bagley's and Williams' regiments listened 
to Mr. Woodbridge. 

We hear that the General has letters from Boston, 
"asserting that Louisburg surrendered to the English on 
the 26th of July." Two Germans, deserters from Ticon- 
deroga, brought in by the island advanced guard. These 
say that the French have 5000 in the garrison at Ticon- 
deroga, and 1500 between the Mills and our landing 
place ; that they are carrying back the great guns which 
they had placed on batteries at Batteau Island, and are 
daily expecting that we should give them another call. 
Gen. Lyman, it is said, has returned to Fort Edward, not 
having seen the enemy. 

21. Mond. J. C. writes a letter to send by the "car-* 
I penters." He prays with Major Hawks's battalion. Some 

venison given by that officer, "is cooked for supper in our 
: tent — a savory dish." 

22. Tues. At the minister's meeting, Beckwith and 

9 John Hawks, of Deerfield, as early as 1746, had distinguished 
himself in defence of the western posts of Massachusetts, against 
i French and Indians. He was for some time a prisoner among the 
Indians. He continued in the service after the campaign of 1758, and 
rose to the rank of Lieut. Colonel. 


Eels offer prayer, and Ogilvie "reads an excellent dis- 
course of the Bishop of London, setting forth the weak- 
ness of the religion of nature, and the necessity of divine 
revelation." "Dined with Major Hawks upon stewed 
venison, a very savory dish." He visits two of Rogers's 
men who are sick — prays with Hawks's men and then with 
his own regiment. Gen. Lyman returns this evening 
with his detachment, having met with no enemy. 

23. Wed. Mr. Woodbury is sick with "Dyssentary." 
Williams's, Preble's and Bagley's regiments join to-day in 
prayers. J. C. visits Col. Nichols and Maj. Gage, 10 and 
receives "a copy of the remarkable letter sent by Aid-de- 
Camp Cunningham to Col. Cummings, which is as fol- 
lows : — 

"French Advance Guard, 8th July, 1758. 

You are hereby directed to forward all the French 
prisoners to Albany and from thence to New York. Our 

10 Thomas Gage was of noble descent, being the second son of the 
first Viscount of that name. As early as 1750, he had the rank of 
Lieut. Col. of Infantry. In 1755, he led the advance in Braddock's 
memorable defeat, and was among the wounded of that disastrous day. 
In 1758, he held an important place on the staff of the commander in- 
chief. On the " Pass," which was given by Col. Bagley to his chaplain, 
returning home, we have Gage's signature as follows : "Aproved of by 
Tho 9 Gage Brig r Gen." In 1761 we find him a Maj. Gen. and Gov. of 
conquered Montreal. By 1770 he had become a Lieutenant General. 
Four years later he came to Boston as the royal Governor of Massa- 
chusetts. Of the conspicuous part which he then and there played, 
and of the odious distinction to which he rose, no reader of American 
history needs to be reminded. While we are compelled to regard his 
action as needlessly harsh and severe, we ought not to forget the 
extreme difficulty of the position in which he was placed. Among 
the enemies of the colonial cause, Thomas Gage was far from being 
the worst man. In private life he was regarded, no doubt justly, as 
being amiable and benevolent. His wife was of American origin — 
Margaret Kemble, of New Jersey — whom he married, probably, just 
after the campaign of 1758. This lady died in London in 1824, at the 
age of ninety. 


sick and wounded are to be forwarded with the greatest 
expedition ; finish your stockaded posts as soon as pos- 
sible ; you are to stop all stores from going down the 
Lake ; you are also directed to forward all the heavy 
artillery back to New York, with all the large balls and 
shells, as soon as possible. A copy of this send to Capt. 
Reed at Fort Edward. Our men, after they had behaved 
with the greatest intrepidity, were obliged to give way 
to the strongest of Batteries and entrenchments ; but we 
hope to advance again soon ; collect all the Provincials 
at your Posts, as you may soon expect a large body of 
the enenry down at your Post. Defend your Post to the 

I am Dear Cnmmings, 
To Col. Gumming, your humble serv' 
commanding J s Cunningham 

at Fort William Aid de Camp.' 


A true copy errors excepted." 11 

11 This despatch might well be called " remarkable." It was written 
in the evening of that shameful and disastrous day, when Abercrombie 
attacked Montcalm's entrenchment, and shows his utter want of 
courage and sense. His own precipitate return to Fort William 
Henry saved Col. Cummings from the necessity of attempting to exe- 
cute the ridiculous order. ■». 


The following account of this branch of the Peele 
family was taken several years since, from a memoran- 
dum, then in the possession of the late Robert Peele, 
Esq., formerly a prominent and well known hardware 
dealer, of Salem, and which was copied by his father 
from the original record in the Family Bible. — (Aug., 
1874. P. Derby. 

" Memorandum of Births of the children of Samuel Peele, of Lon- 
don, Silkman, and Ann his Wife, whose Maiden name was Wallis. 

Viz. their first son William was Born Saturday 28 day of Febuary, 
1G73, between 3 & 4 o'Clock in the Afternoon, on the same day 
the Peace was Proclaimed on the Royal Exchange, between the 
Dutch & us, and registered the 27 of March following. 

their second son Samuel was Born the fifth day of April 1674, about 
3 oClock in the Afternoon and baptized the same da3 r , being 
Ester Monday. 

thfeir third son Roger, was Born 25 January 1676 being St. Paul's day 
and was baptized next day being Fryday. 

their fourth son John was Born on the 7 November 1678, and baptized 
a day or two after. 

their first Daughter Ann was Born on the 11 of April 1680 being Sun- 
day and baptized the 18 Instant. 

tfleir fifth Son George was Born on the 11 of June 1681, about half an 
hour after 7 oClock in the Morning and was baptized the 26 of 
the same Instant being Indisposed. 

their second Daughter Ann was Born on the 22 of January 1683 being 
Wendsay between 11 & 12 oClock and baptized next day. 

their sixth son Robert was Born the 17 day of June 1684 about 8 
oClock at night and baptized next day." 

'•the above minuets was copyed from the Bible of Roger Peele the 
first above mentioned, bought by him in 1720 and 
Roger Peele in 1716 by his mother then wile of Samuel Stone. 


"William Peele, Samuel Peele and Robert Peele, sons of Samuel 
Peele of London, came and settled in Louden town, Ann Arundall 
county, Maryland, and all died their Unmarried between 1740 and 

Roger Peele, son of Samuel Peele, of London, came to Salem, Mas- 
sachusetts, and was Married to the Widow Margaret Kempton whose 
Maiden Name was Bartoll of Marblehead, November 15th, 1709. 

their son Roger was Born August 5th, 1710, died April 11, 1790. 
I their son Robert was Born August 29, 1712, died April 29, 1773. 
their son Samuel was Born March 23, 1716, died about 1745. 

Roger Peele ye son of the above named Roger Peele was married 
i to Hannah Peele May 18th 1736, by Rev'd Peter Clark, pastor of the 
1 Ch. of Christ at Salem Village. 

their Daughter Margaret was Born January 8, 1737, married Mr. 
I their Daughter Hannah was Born June 22, 1738. 
i their Son Roger was Born May 12, 1742, died unmarried. 
I their Daughter Patience Born December 3, 1747, married John Pierce. 
I their Son Samuel Born October 22, 1751, died young. 
Ik their Daughter Rebecca Waters Born May 26, 1753, Married Mr. 

Roger Peele Son of the first named Roger Peele was Married to 
i , Mary Bartlett of Marblehead Daughter of Josiah and Obedience Bart- 
Ilett. She died May 4, 1771. 

j i their son Robert was Born January 4, 1737, died June 12, 1792. 

(ji their son William was Born December 27, 1738, died March 4, 1817. 

I their Daughter Mary was Born . Married Benjamin Cook. 

their Daughter Margarett was Born Jan. 23, 1742. Married Joseph 
'I Hilliard. 

Ijtheir Daughter Anu was Born . Married George Smith. 

'iitheir Daughter Lydia was Born . Married Jonathan Nichols. 

I their son Josiah Bartlett was Born , died young. 

: I Robert Peele, jr., son of Robert Peele above named was married to 
J Elizabeth Ropes, Dec, 1, 1763. She was Born July 3, 1743. She died 

J Aug. 6, 1770. 
I their Son Josiah Bartlett was Born Eebuary 5, 1765, died June 20, 

■their son Robert was Born April 19, 1767. 

jlheir son William was Born April 2, 1769, died March 21, 1770. 



Robert Peele was again Married to Eunice Stearnes, June 11, 1771. 
She died June 22, 1780. 

Robert Peele was again married to the Widow Mary Bradshaw 
whose maiden Name was Mansfield of Lynnfield. She died Jan'y 23, j 
1824, aged 82 years, six months. 

their son William was Born Febuary 25, 1782, died June 21, 1782." 

The following is copied from the original record in the old family j 
Bible of the Peele family : — 

"father Peele Dide Aprel the 11, 1790. 

My Brother Jonathan Dide March the 5, 1790. 
" I was married November the 15 day 1709. 

"The above writeing was wrote by Roger Peele the first owner of 
this Bible who was marryed to Margarett Bartoll Kempton at the 
time above mentioned. She was the widdow of thomas Kempton by 
whom she had : Thomas Kempton Born on the — Day of January 
1707. & the children of the above sd. Roger Peele are as follows, 
vizt : 

Roger Peele Born on Saturday August the fiffth Between 6 & 7 of 
Clock in the morning 1710. 

Robert Peele born on thursday, August 29th 1712. 

Samuel Peele born on Saturday, march 23d 1716, Between 11 and 12 
. of the Clock in the morning." 



Adams, Mary, wife of John. June 25, 1785, aged 22. 

" Jos. Hillard, son of John. June 21, 1785, aged 1. 
Allen, tomb. 1795. 

" Mary, wife of Capt. Benjamin. Mar. 10, 1703-4, aged 43. 
" Mary, wife of Samuel and dau. of Joseph and Mary Saul. 

July 31, 1821, aged 20. 
" Joseph. April 19, 171 [0], aged 67. 
Anderson, Eliza, dau. of Benj. and Eliza, of Boston. Nov. 27, 1801, 

aged 7 m., 15 d. 
Andrew, Elizabeth, dau. of William and Seeth. Jan. 3, 1688, aged 
3 y., 5 m. 
" Joseph. July 28, 1732, 75th year. 
" Nathaniel. Feb. 4, 1762, 57th year. 
" Mary, wife of Nathaniel. Oct. 3, 1747, 39th year. 
" Joseph, son of Nathaniel and Mary, born Feb. 7, 1734-5, d. 

Feb. 16, 1734-5. 
" Abigail, dau. of Nathaniel and Mary, born Feb. 7, 1734-5, 

d. Feb. 25, 1734-5. 
" Jonathan. May 16, 1781, aged 43. 
" Mary, wid. of Jona., born Mar. 30, 1739, d. Jan. 17, 1820, 

aged 81. 
" Nathaniel, son of Jona., and Mary. Oct. 22, 1795, aged 18. 
'• Jonathan. Apr. 18, 1844, aged 71. 
Andrews, Elizabeth Lebeter, wife of Capt. Nehemiah. Mar. 12, 
1851, aged 68 yrs., 3 m. 
" Catherine S., dau. of Capt. Nehemiah. July 30, 1836, aged 

• Capt. Nehemiah. Feb. 10, 1800, aged 47. 
' Catherine, dau. of Capt. Nehemiah. July 5, 1797, aged 25. 
pleton, William. Sept. 23, 1822, aged 57. 



Appleton, Anna, wife of William. June 4, 1795, aged 23. 

11 Tamesin, wife of William. Jan. 27, 1850, aged 81. 

11 William, son of William and Anna. Sept. 1, 1795, aged 16 
m., 7 d. 
Archer, Jonathan. July 16, 1746, aged 75. 

11 Abigail, wife of Jonathan. Oct. 8, 1738, 67th year. 

" Nathaniel. June 10, 1782, aged 62. 

" Hannah, wife of Nathaniel. May 21, 1767, aged 53 y., 2 m. 

44 Jonathan. June 1, 1800, aged 54. 

44 Mehitable, wife of Jonathan. Dec. 1, 1791, 42d year. 

" Mary, wife of George. Oct. 25, 1800, aged 23. 

11 Judith, dau. of Capt. George and Judith. Mar. 14, 1801, 
aged 5. 
Asiiby, Polly, wife of David. Apr. 3, 1789, aged 31. 

11 Jonathan. Nov. 15, 1797, aged 51. 

" Sally, wife of Jonathan, Jr. Sept. 24, 1807, aged 34. 

" Sally, dau. of Jonathan, Jr., and Sally. Oct. 19, 1796, aged 
3 y., 7 m., 6 d. 

" (broken stone). Jan. 22, 1729, . 

Ash ton, Marg't H., wife of Francis P. and wid. of Benj. Bray. July 
6, 1819, aged 24. 

Babbidge, Miss Lvdia. July 9, 1800, aged 68. 

" Madam Susanna. June 2, 1804, aged 90. 
Barnard, Sam'l, Esq. Nov. 21, 1762, aged 77. 

44 Rachel, wife of Sam'l, Esq. Aug. 30, 1743, aged 56. 

»• Elizabeth, wife of Sam'l, Esq. Nov. 9. 1753, aged 46. 
Barr, Priscilla, wife of James. Sept. 28, 1794, aged 62. 
Bartholomew, P]lizabeth, wife of Henry. Sept. 1, 1682, aged ab't 60. 

(Her husband d. Dec, 1692, aged 92.) 
Bartlett, Walter Price, tomb, built 1650, repaired 1809. 
Barton, Zacheus. Oct. 14, 1707, 25th yr. 

" Lydia, widow of John. May 13, 1713, 62d yr. 

" Toppan, and Pickman, tomb. 
Batter, Edmond. Nov. 2, 1756, aged 84. 

44 Martha, wife of Edmond. June 1, 1713, aged 36. 
Beadle, Lemman. Nov. 17, 1717, aged 36. 

44 Ruth, dau. of Sam'l and Hannah. Oct. 5, 1716, aged 25. 
Bucket, Retier. June 17, 1734, 31st yr. 
Beckett, William, Sr. Nov. 10, 1723, aged 54. 

44 Elizabeth, wife of Capt. John. Jan. 23, 1790, aged 44. 
Mary W. Dec. 12, 1846, aged 47. 

44 Hannah, wid. of William. Jan. 23, 1855, aged 77. 

44 Hannah. Feb: 12, 1873, aged 69. 


Beckett, Elizabeth (foot stone). 

Best, David (obscure). 

Betiiell, Hannah, wife of Richard. Dec. 22, 1733, aged 47. 

Blanchard, Aaron. July 30, 1799, aged 48. 

Bowditch, Capt. William, Merchant. May 28, 1728, aged 64 yrs., 9 m. 

" Mary, wife of Capt. Wm. , 1724, aged 54. 

" Eben'r, son " " " Feb. 2, 1768, aged 64. 

" children of " " and Mary, "which died in their 

" William, son of Eben'r and Mary. Dec. 29, 1752, aged 18. 
" Mary, dan. of " " " Apr. 22, 1757, aged 15. 

" Habakkuk (son of " " ". ) July 28, 1798, aged 60. 

" Eben'r ( " " " " << ) Aug. 3, 1771, aged 42. 

" Elizabeth, relict of Capt. Eben'r. Feb. 11, 1824, aged 91. 
11 ^ Eben'r (son of Capt. Eben'r and Eliz'th). July 23, 1830, 

) aged 63. 
" C Mary, wife of Capt. Eben'r. May 17, 1819, aged 47. 
" Eben'r, son " " " and Mary. Aug. 22, 1825, aged 

" Sarah (probably wife of Capt. Joseph, Jr.), born Mar. 25, 

1734, d. Dec. 8, 1797. 
" Joseph, Esq. (son of Wm. and Mary, above). Oct. 6, 1780, 

aged 80. 
" William, son of Joseph and Elizabethi June 26, 1729, aged 

2y., 5 m. 
" Sarah, dau. of Joseph and Elizabeth. Oct. 2, 1764, aged 27. 
11 Eunice," " " " " June 11, 1765, aged 

" Capt. Thomas. July 29, 1808, aged 74. 
" Sarah, wife of Capt. Thomas. Feb. 26, 1808, aged 66. 
" Elizabeth, wife of Nathaniel. Oct. 18, 1798, aged 18. 
" Joseph. Aug. 30, 1824, aged 48. 
" Lois, wife of Joseph. July 29, 1809, aged 28. 
" Joseph (son of Capt. Joseph, Jr.). Apr. 29, 1800, aged 42. 
" Charles Ingersoll (son of Nath'l and Mary). Feb. 21, 

1820, aged 11. 
" Stephen. Aug. 30, 1821, aged 48. 
Bray, Daniel. June 24, 1798, aged 63. 

" Mary, wid. of Daniel. Sept. 28, 1805, aged 68. 

" Benjamin. June 2, 1808, aged 33. 

" Benjamin, son of Benj. and Margaret H. Jan. 19, 1798, 

aged 15 m. 
" Albert (son of Benj. and Margaret H). Jan. 1, 1808, aged 

7 m. 


Bray, Wh. Ropes, son of John and Marg't, d. Lancaster, Feb. 15, 
1839, aged 14 y., 7 m. 
4< John Martin Ulmer, son of John and Margaret. Dec. 11, 
1829, aged 7 y., 1 m. 
Briggs, Priscilla H., wid. of Capt. Johnson. Sept. 10, 1829, aged 

( Brooks, Lucy Ann, wife of Luke. Jan. 23, 1840, aged 34. 
I " Also an infant daughter. Feb. 17, 1840, aged 5 wks. 
Brown, William, Esq. Jan. 20, 1687, aged 79. 

Browne, Hon. William (on tomb of Benj. Lynde, Esq.) July 12, 
1753, aged 74. 

" John, son of Capt. Nathan and Rebecca. (Capt. 

Nathan, d. at Martinico, Aug. 7, 1787, aged 45.) 
Abigail, wid. of Capt. William. June 21, 1781, aged 70. 
Thomas. June 30, 1793, aged 46. 
Margaret (wid. of Thomas). Aug. 11, 1818, aged 68. 
William, tomb, 1801. 
Timothy. Mar. 11, 1808, aged 30. 
Mary, wife of Timothy. Nov. 3, 1806, aged 26. 
Timothy, son of Timothy and Mary. Feb. 20, 1807, aged 4 

m., 28 d. 
Mary (probably wife of John). Dec. 18, 1838, aged 50. 
David, son of John and Mary. Nov. 26, 1810, aged 2 yrs, 
6 m. 
Buffington, Eliz'th Gould, dau. of John and Betsy. Apr. 15, 1827, 

aged 16 y., 4 m. 
Burley, Mary, wife of John, and dau. of Dea. Lewis Hunt, born May 

10, 1791, d. May 3, 1858, aged 67. 
Burrill, Ezra, born Lynn, May 10, 1746, d. June 15, 1796, aged 50. 
" Anna, wife of Ezra. Sept. 4, ]792, aged 46. 
11 Elizabeth, wife of Alden. Mar. 15, 1800, aged 46. 
Butman, Elizabeth, wife of Capt. Wm. Mar. 22, 1798, aged 24. 
Buttolph, John. May 10, 1713, aged 51. 

" William, son of John and Priscilla. Sept. 23, 1720, aged 

Cabot, John, physicfan. June 3, 1749, aged 44. 

" Wm. Clark, son of (John and) Hannah. Dec. 9, 1750, aged 
1 y., 2 m. 
Camball, John, a native of Ireland, Co. of Meath. Apr. 4, 1840, aged 

Chandler, Mrs. Elizabeth. June 5, 1837, aged 56. 
Chatwell, Nicholas. Oct. 30, 1700, aged 56. 

" Sarah, wife of Nicholas. Mar. 14, 1718, aged 80. 


Cheever, William. Nov. 29, 178G, aged 34. 

Chipman, Mary, wid. of Henry, son of John Chipraan, of Beverly. 

June 29, 1801, aged 84. 
Cole, Alexander, mariner. June 27, 1687, aged 34. 
Comfort, Samuel. Mar. 25, 1704, aged about 38. 
Conan[t], Christian, wife of Joshua and dau. to Richard More. 

May 30, 1680, aged 28. 
Conkling, James, son of James and Hannah. June 30, 1807, aged 2 

y.i 7 m. 
Cook, Elizabeth, wife of Joseph. Aug. 15, 1799, aged 51. 

" William (from Cambridge ; his end was tragical. — Dr. 

Bentley's Becords.) Sept. 27, 1803, aged 50. 
11 Rebecca, wid. of William. May 11, 1824, aged 77. 
11 Capt. Caleb. June 4, 1837, aged 66. 

" Caleb, Jr., died at Pulo Penang, Prince of Wales' Island. 
Mar. 19, 1837, aged 39. 
Corey, Mary, wife of Giles, Aug. 27, 1684, aged 63. 
Cox, Mary, wife of Edward, Sr. Nov. — , 1737, aged 63. 
Cleveland, Capt. Stephen. Oct. 8, 1801, aged 60. 

" Margaret, wife of Stephen. Nov. 27, 1784, aged 39. 
Cromwell, Philip. Mar. 30, 1693, aged 83. 

" Doraty, wife of Philip. Sept. 27, 1673, aged 67. 
Mary, " " " Nov. 14, 1683, aged 72. 

" John. Sept. 30, 1700, aged near 65. 
Crosby, Peggey, wife of Capt. Nicholas. Sept. 25, 1795, aged 38. 
Crowninshield, Capt. John, mariner. May 25, 1761, aged 65. 
" Anstis, wid. of Capt. John. Sept. 10, 1774, aged 72 y. 
" Capt. John. June 24, 1766, aged 67. 
" John, son of Capt. Clifford. June 1, 1777, aged 49. 
" Mary, wife of John. June 4, 1794, aged 66. 
" Mrs. Sarah (wife of John), dau. of Capt. Daniel and Rachel 
Hathorne. Jan. 14, 1829, aged 66. (Her husband was 
son of Jacob and Hannah, and died Feb. 19, 1786, aged 
24. — Dr. Bentley.) 
11 Capt. Clifford. June 3, 1809, aged 47. 
Cumbs, Elizabeth, wife of Frederick. Jan. 24, 1800, aged 25. 

" Elizabeth, dau. of Frederick and Abigail. Apr. 20, 1773, 

aged 6. 
" Susanna, dau. of Frederick and Lydia. Jan. 1, 1813, aged 


Daniel, Stephen. Feb. 14, 1686-7, aged 54. 
" Stephen. Mar . 12, 174-, aged 48. 
Dean, Thomas. Feb. 10, 1705, aged 42. 


Dean, Mary, wife of Thomas. May 7, 1701, aged 30. 

11 Hannah, " " George. Sept. 7, 1718, aged 24. 

" Thomas. Aug. 24, 1759, aged 61 y., 6 m. 

11 Martha, wife of Thomas. Dec. 24, 1729, aged 30. 

" Edward, son of Philemon of Ipswich. Sept. 14, 1743, aged 

" Capt. Thomas, merchant. July 8, 1802, aged 79. 

" Lydia, wid. of Capt. Thomas. Jan. 28, 1812, aged 48. 

' ; Capt. Benjamin. Dec. 10, 1826, aged 80. 

" Susanna, wife of Capt. Benj. Jan. 13, 1818, aged 70. 

" Miss Susanna. Feb. 8, 1835, aged 61. 
Derby, Richard, tomb. 

Dismore, Judith, wife of Thomas. Jan. 2, 1716-17, aged 25. 
Dodge, Capt. George. Jan. 18, 1808, aged 82. 

" Lydia, wife of Capt. George. July 10, 1798, aged 72. 
Dole-ear, Barnard, son of Edmund and Sarah. Feb. 27, 1689-90, 

aged 4 mo. 
Dutch, Barbara, dau. of Samuel and Susanna. Apr. 10, 1678, aged 
8 mo. (On stone with Sam'l, son of Rich'cl and Sarah 

Elkins, John, son of John and Abigail. Nov. 29, 1736, aged 1 y., 10 m. 

" Thomas. Mar. 17, 1764, aged 26. 
Elvins, Sarah, wife of Richard. July 9, 1743, aged 55. 

" Samuel, son of " and Sarah. May 5, 1723, aged 6. 
Emerson, John. Feb. 24, 1711-12, aged 58. 
Eveletii, Mary, wife of Joseph. Nov. 17, 1798, aged 31. 

Felt, George. Feb. 24, 1729, aged 73. 

" Capt. Benjamin. Mar. 1, 1769, aged 64. 

11 Abigail, wife of Benjamin. Nov. 12, 1748, aged 41 y., 4 m. 

11 Elizabeth. Dec. 8, 1789, aged 78. 
Feveryear, Mary, wife of Edmund and formerly wife of Joseph 

Hardy. Nov. 19, 1705, aged about 45. 
Field, Miss Sarah. Sept. 22, 1803, aged 43. 
Forrester, Simon, tomb. 1796. 

" Elizabeth, dau. of Capt. Simon and Rachel. May 28, 1783, 
aged 5 days. 
Foster, Mary, wife of John. Mar. 14, 1751, aged 38. 
Fowlls, Zaciiary. July 10, 1718, aged 44. 
Flinder, Richard. Oct. 19, 1707, aged 69. 
Frye, Nabby, wife of Capt. Peter. Jan. 21, 1802, aged 38. 

" Nabby, dau. of Capt. Peter and Nabby. June 30, 1800, aged 
5 y., 3 in. 


Frye, Polly, dau. of Capt. Peter and Nabby. Apr. 5, 1803, aged 11'. 

Gardner, Sarah, wife of Eben'r. Sept. 5, 1682, aged 23. ' (He was 
son of George, born Aug. 16, 1657, died about May, 
1685; married Sarah Bartholomew.) 
" Bartholomew, son of Eben'r and Sarah, born June 12, 1682, 

died Dec. 20, 1684, aged 2 y., 6 m. 
" Capt. Jonathan (son of Abel and Sarah). Nov. 27, 1783, 

aged 86. 
" Elizabeth, wife of Capt. Jonathan. Apr. 20, 1752, aged 47. 
" Mary, wife of Capt. Jonathan. Apr. 20, 1755, aged 58. 
" Elizabeth, dau. of Capt. Jonathan and Elizabeth. May 6, 

1818, aged 88. 
" Hannah, dau. of Capt. Jonathan and Elizabeth. Apr. 28, 

1786, aged 43. 
" Jonathan, Esq. Mar. 2, 1791, aged 63. 
" Sarah, wife of Jonathan, Esq. Nov. 10, 1791, aged 63. 
" Sally, " " " and dau. of late Dr. Fairfield. 

Dec. 23, 1795, aged 30. ; 

" Jonathan, son of Jona. and Sally. Dec. 17, 1795, aged 3 

y., 4 m. 
" Lucia, wife of Jona. and dau. of Israel Dodge. Mar. 24, 
1812, aged 44. 
Gathman, Lydia, dau. of Dr. Francis and Lydia. July 20, 1716, aged 3. 
" Kachel, " " " " " " Aug. 22, 1716, aged 

ly., 6 m. 
Lydia, dau. of " '" " " Aug. 13, 1719, aged 

4 m. 
Gedney, William, Esq. Jan. 24, 1729-30, aged 62. 

" Hannah, wife of William, Esq. Jan. 4, 1703-4, aged 33. 
" Susanna, dau. of William, Esq., and Hannah. Dec. 17, 

1712, aged 21 y., 8 m. 
" Margaret, dau. of William, Esq., and Hannah. Dec. 14, 
1718, aged 24 y., 6 m. 
Gerrish, Benjamin. Apr. 24, 1713, aged about 61. 
Gibbaut, Sarah, wife of Capt. Edward. Oct. 8, 1793, aged 63. 
Glover, Benj., son of Jona, and Abigail. May 10, 1754, aged 50. 
" Susanna, wife of Benjamin. Dec. 16, 1761, aged 51. 
" John, sou of Benjamin and Susanna. July 29, 1758, aged 

22 y. 
" Mary, dau. of Ichabod and Mary. Sept. 18, 1784, aged 7 y., 

3 m. 
" Mary, dau. of Ichabod and Mary. Feb. 4, 1776, aged 3 y., 


Glover, Susanna, dau. of Ichabod and Mary. Feb. 9, 1776, aged 2 
y., 2 m. 

" Priscilla, dau. of Benjamin. July 21, 1791, aged 40. 
Goodhue, Dr. William. July 10, 1782, aged 35. 

" Mercy, wife of William. May 22, 1772, aged 55. 

11 Miss Elizabeth. Jan. 29, 1782, aged 37. 
Gould, Elizabeth (on stone of Eliz'th Gould Buffington). July 1, 

1827, aged 3 m. 
Grafton, Joseph. July 11, 1709, aged 51. 

" William, son of Joseph and Mary. June, 1697, aged 2. 

" Elizabeth, dau. of " " " Mar. 10, 1691, aged 4. 

" Joshua, son of Joseph and Mary. Sept. 3, 1702, aged 
11 ra. 

" John, Sr. (son of Jos., Sr., who d. 1683). Nov. 24, 1715, 
aged 77. 

" Jehoadan, dau. of John and Seeth. Dec. 5, 1707, aged 38. 
Grant, Sally, dau. of Capt. Samuel and Elizabeth. Sept. 16, 1789, 

aged 25. 
Gray, Abraham, tomb. 1790. 

" John. Dec. 9, 1838, aged 78. 

" Elizabeth, wife of John. Aug. 17, 1814, aged 47. 

" Sarah, dau. of John and Elizabeth. May 3, 1830, aged 45. 

11 Mary N. Apr. 15, 1836, aged 29. 

11 Caroline T. Dec. 18, 1838, aged 38. 
Grove, Mary, wife of Edward. Oct. 4, 1683, aged 73. 

Hacker, Mehitable, wife of Capt. Isaac. Oct. 13, 1813, aged 16. 
Hardy, Joseph (son of Joseph). Apr. 17, 1687, aged 29. 

" Seeth, dau. of Joseph and Mary. Dec. 21, 1712, aged 25 y., 

7 m. 
" Martha, dau. of James and Ruth. Dec. 23, 1707, aged 9 
y., 4 m. 
Harridan, Andrew, son of Andrew and Mary. May 1, 1794, aged 4 

y., 3 m., 18 d. 
Hart, Mary P., dau. of Joseph and Jane. Feb. 15, 1800, aged 4 m. 
Hathorne, Col. John. May 10, 1717, aged 76. 

" John, son of Joseph, and grandson of Hon. John. Feb. 6, 

1750, aged 28. 
" Capt. William. Apr. 4, 1794, aged 80. 
" Mary, wife of Capt. William. June 14, 1805, aged 81. 
" Capt. Daniel. Apr. 18, 1796, aged 64. 
" Rachel, wid. of Capt. Daniel. Apr. 16, 1813, aged 78. 
" Eunice, dau. of Capt. Daniel and Rachel. May 10, 1827, 
aged 60. 


Hathorne, Sarah Crowningshield, dau. of Capt. Daniel and Rachel. 
Jan. 14, 1829, aged 66. 
" Elizabeth, wid. of Joseph. Jan. 19, 1836, aged 88. 
" Eben'r. Dec. 5, 1858, aged 69. 
" Catherine, wife of Eben'r. Apr. 6, 1854, aged 50. 
j Heroe, Abigail, wife of Rowlen. Feb. 13, 1765, aged 36. 
Herrick, Sarah. Nov. 28, 1849, aged 62 y., 8 m. 
Heussler, George. Apr. 3, 1817, aged 66. 

" Abigail, wife of George. Apr. 21, 1799, aged 46. 
" Elizabeth, wid. of George. Mar. 10, 1821, aged 60. 
" Elizabeth, dau. of George and Abigail. Nov. 1, 1825, aged 
Herbert, Benjamin. Jan. 20, 1761, aged 51.- 

" Elizabeth, wife of Capt. Benjamin. Oct. 23, 1772, aged 55. 
Higginson, Sarah, wife of Rev. John. July 8, 1675, aged 55. (He 
died Dec. 9, 1708, aged 92.— First Ch. Rec). 
" Mary, wife of Rev. John. Mar. 9, 1708-9, aged 72. 
" Thomas, son of John (jr.) and Sarah. Sept. 18, 1678, aged 

9 ra. 
" Margaret, dau. of John (jr.) and Sarah. June 18, 1688, 
aged 2 y., 2 m. (He died Mar. 23, 1720, aged 73; md., 
Oct. 9, 1672, Sarah, dau. of Thos. Savage, of Boston. 
She was buried June 26, 1713). 
" John, jr. (called 3d, son of John and Sarah). Apr. 26, 1718, 

aged 42 y., 6 ra. 
" Hannah, wife of John, Jr. and dau. of Capt. Samuel Gard- 
ner. June 24, 1713, aged 37. 
" Francis, son of Johu, 3d, and Hannah, born and died Nov. 

29, 1705. 
" Henry, son of John, 3d, and Hannah. Dec. 1, 1709, aged 

14 m., 7 d. 
" A son and dau. of John, 3d, and Margaret (2d wife) born July 

22, 1715, buried next day. 
" Mehitable (dau. of John and Mehitable). July 19, 1840, 
aged 82. 
Hildreth, Lydia K., wife of Alvin. June 26, 1820, aged 24. 

" Lydia L., dau. " " and Lydia K. Jan. 28, 1822, aged 
19 m. 
Hill, Bethia. May 7, 1689, aged about 33. 

" Phippen, son of Stephen and Sarah. Oct. 25, 1794, aged 
14 m. 
Hillard, Mrs. Margaret (dau. of Robert and Mary Peele). May 4, 
1826, aged 84. 
; Hirst, John, son of William and Mary. Oct. 9, 1687, aged 1 y., 9 m. 


Hodges, Gamaliel. Aug. 27, 1768, aged 51 y., 11 m. 

Priscilla, wid. of Gamaliel. Mar. 22, 1807, aged 88. 
George, sou of Gamaliel and Priscilla. Mar. 25, 1764, aged 

Joseph, son of Gamaliel and Priscilla. Oct. 7, 1826, aged ( 
Mary, wife of John. Sept. 5, 1773, aged 49. (He died July 

20, 1799. 
Hannah, dau. of Benjamin. Oct. 9, 1792, aged 13. 
John, son of Capt. Benjamin and Hannah. Nov. 30, 1797, 
aged 10. 
Holliman, Susanna, dau. of John and Susanna. Sept. 27, 1721, 
aged 1. 

" Susanna, dau*. of. John and Susanna. Nov. 4, 1729, aged 1. 
" John, son of John and Susanna. July 1, 1732, aged 9. 
" Elizabeth, dau. of John and Susanna. Aug.-, 1732, aged 5. 
r Hollingworth, William (son of Wm. and Eleanor?). Nov. 7, 1688, 
1 aged 33. 

( " Elianor (wife of Wm., St.?). Nov. 22, 1689, aged 59. 
Hosmer, Hannah, wid. of Capt. Joseph. Dec. 12, 1852, aged 83. 
" Hannah, dau. " " " and Hannah. Nov. 26, 1795, 

aged 2y., 9 m., 21 d. 
" Mary, dau. of Capt. Joseph " il Dec. 1, 1795, 

aged 1 y., 4 m., 6 d. 
" Samuel W. Apr. 26, 1844, aged 44. 
Hunt, Eunice, wife of William. Aug. 30, 1764, aged 57 y., 6 m. 

" William, son of " and Eunice. May 29, 1769, aged 25. 
" Elizabeth, dau. of " u " Dec. 31, 1787, aged 55. 

" Sarah, dau. of " " " Oct. 6, 1811, 64. 

11 Dea. Lewis (son of Wm. and Eunice). Oct. 23, 1797, aged 

51 yrs. 
11 Sarah, wife of Dea. Lewis. Nov. 17, 1781, aged 31. 
" Mary, wid. " " " Mar. 18, 1829, aged 69. 

" Lewis (son of Lewis and Mary). July 25, 1800, aged 17 y., 

6 m. 
" Josef-h " " " " " Aug. 7, 1808, aged 19. 

" Miss Hannah (dau. of Lewis and Elizabeth). Nov. 17, 1783, 

aged 72. 
11 Miss Ruth " " " '« " Oct. 19, 1792, 

aged 86. 
" William (son of Lewis and Elizabeth). Sept. 19, 1780, 

aged 79. 
" Dea. John. Nov. 23, 1847, aged 70. 

" Mrs. Delta (probably wife of Dea. John) born Jan. 30, 1771, 
d. June 1, 1834, aged 63 y., 4 m. 


Ingalls, Collins. Apr. 3, 1821, aged 49. 

" Mary H., wife of Collins. Oct. 29, 1S48, aged 77. 

" Mary Traill, dau. of Collins and Rebecca. Oct. 1, 1833, 
aged 2 y., 11 m. 
Ingersoll, Samuel. Nov. 19, 1696, aged 37. 

'• Elizabeth, wife of John and dau. of Capt. Dan'l Bray. Aug. 
5, 1768, aged 56. 

" Philip, son of Capt. Samuel and Susanna. Sept. 8, 1781, aged 
2. (Capt. Sam'l md. at Hampton, Susanna Hathorne, 
Oct. 19, 1772. He died July 15, 1804, on passage from 
Guadaloupe, aged 60. She died Dec. 16, 1811, aged 65). 

" Hannah, wife of John. Mar. 5, 1791, aged 31. 

" Hannah, " " " Dec. 12, 1825, aged 64. 

" Capt. John, Jr. Oct. 14, 1829, aged 34. 

" John Hunt, son of Capt. John, Jr. Dec. 25, 1832, aged 8 
y„ 6 m. 

Jayne, Priscilla, wife of John, born Dec. 29, 1788, d. July 18, 1810. 

Jefferds, Samuel, from Boston. Feb. 15, 1805, aged 27. (He was a 

* brass founder; md. Ruth Green, of Mhd., Nov. 5, 1796.) 

" Samuel, son of Samuel and Ruth. Nov. 11, 1798. 

" Ruth, dau. of " " " Oct. 6, 1798. 

" Ruth, " " " " " Nov. 31, 1800. 

Jeffry, James. Feb. 13, 1755, aged 49. 

" Mrs. Elizabeth. Oct. 22, 1797, aged 62. 

" William, son of James and Ruth. July 8, 1772, aged 34. 

" John, " " " " " June 6, 1812, aged 73. 

Jenison, Abigail, dau. of Rev. Wm. and Abigail. Aug. 19, 1732, 18 m. 
Jones, Peter. Jan. 17, 1772. 

Kehew, Lydia. dau. of Paul and Bethia. Nov. 27, 1814, aged 2 y., 6 m. 

Kelley, Abigail, widow. Aug. 15, 1834, aged 75. 

Kenney, Sarah G., wife of George M. Nov. 25, 1827, aged 26. 

Keyzer, Hannah, wife of Elizer. Jan. 20, 1723-4, aged 76. 

Kimball, Turner, son of Peter. Sept. 4, 1801, aged 17. 

King, William. Dec. 15, 1718, aged 22. 

" Kathekine, wife of William. Dec. 17, 1718, aged 22. 
Knowlton, Hannah, wife of Nathaniel. Sept. 28, 1787, aged 22. 

Lambert, Capt. Joseph (suddenly). Aug. 17, 1790, aged 59. 
Lane, Nancy, wife of Nicholas. Feb. 16, 1800, aged 48 y., 10 m. 
Lang, Hannah, wife of Jeflry. Oct. 3, 1748, aged 41. 

" Nathaniel, son of Edward and Rachel. Oct. 6, 1774, aged 
4 m. 


Lawrence, Polly, dau. of Capt. Abel and Abigail. Oct. 14, 1785, 
aged 3. 
" Mary, dau. of " " " " Oct. 29, 1796, 

aged 8. 
Henry, son " " " " " Aug. 13, 1798, 

aged 8 y., 8 m. 
11 Moses W., son of Schuyler and Lucy. Oct. 7, 1826, aged 19. 
Leech, Samuel. Oct. 20, 1846, aged 77. 
Lefavour, Robert. Apr. 15, 1795, aged 44. 

" Polly, dau. of Robert and Elizabeth. Oct. 1, 1793, aged 20. 
" Betsy, wife of Amos and Elizabeth. May 20, 1795, aged 5 
y., 9 m., 12 d. 
Lemon, Jane, 2d child of Wm. and Mary. Nov. 26, 1802, aged 2 y., 

10 m. 
Lindall, Timothy (son of James). Jan. 6, 1698, aged 56 y., 7 m. 
(Born Duxbury, Mass., June, 1641; md., last of Feb., 
1672, Mary, dau. of Nath'l Veren.) 
" Mary, wid. of Timothy. Jan. 7, 1731-2, aged 83. 
" Bethia, dau. of Timothy and Bethia, born Nov. 17, 1717, d. 

Nov. 23, 1717. 
" A dau. of Timothy and Bethia, born June 23, 1720, lived a 

few hours. 
" Caleb, merchant (son of Timo. and Mary). Nov. 13, 1751, 

aged 67. 
" Sarah, wife of Caleb. June 27, 1754, aged 60. 
" James, Esq. (son of Timo. and Mary). May 10, 1753, aged 

" , a son of James, Esq., and Mary, b. and d. Apr. 25, 1709. 

" Veren," " " " " " b. May 14, 1711, d. Apr. 

29, 1712. 
11 Rachel, dau. of " " " « b. Aug. 9, 1714, d. Sept. 

6, 1714. 
" James, merch't (son of James, Esq., and Mary.) Aug. 19, 

1754, aged 44. 
" Mary (dau. of James, Esq., and 1st wife, Eliz'th). Jan. 22, 
1776, aged 70. 
Little, Dr. Moses. Oct. 13, 1811, aged 45. 

k ' Elizabeth, wife of Dr. Moses and dau. of George Williams, 
Esq. May 29, 1808, aged 34. 
Lovering, Lydia Herrick, wife of Daniel S. May 28, 1873, aged 84 

y., 3 m., 7 d. 
Low, Emily H., dau. of Elijah and Hannah. Mar. 19, 1840, aged 16 m. 
Luscomb, William, Jr. Feb. 8, 1820, aged 46. 

14 Meuitable, relict of William, Jr. July 25, 1825, aged 52. 


Luscomb, Henry, born April 23, 1781, d. Aug. 18, 1837, aged 56. 

" Caroline, dau. of Henry and Polly. Oct. 1, 1833, aged 4 m. 
11 Sarah Ellen, dau. of Henry and Polly. May 7, 1835, aged 
Lynde, Benjamin (son of Simon and Hannah of Boston). Jan. 28, 
1744, aged 79. 
Mary (wid. of Benj.). July 12, 1753, aged 74. 
" William, merchant (son of Benj. and Mary). May 10, 1752, 

aged 37. 
" Hon. Benjamin " " " " " born Oct. 5, 

1700, d. Oct. 3, 1781. 

MacIntire, Samuel. Feb. 6, 1811, aged 54. 

" Elizabeth, wid. of Samuel. Oct. 15, 1815, aged 62. 
" Hannah, relict of Samuel, b. June 12, 1780, d. Jan. 14, 1862, 
aged 81. 
McPherson, Christian, b. Oct. 5, 1791, d. Sept. 13, 1793, aged 1 y., 

11 m. 
Manning, Thomas, only child of Thos. and Anstis. Apr. 1, 1798, 

aged 20. 
Mansfield, Jonathan. Mar. 9, 1791, aged 74. 

" Elizabeth, wife of Jonathan. June 20, 1785, aged 55. 

" Matthew. Oct. 29, 1800, aged 73. 

" Hannah (wife of Matthew). Feb. 11, 1799, aged 68. 

" Joseph, born Apr. 17, 1743, d. Feb. 16, 1820, aged 76 y., 10 m. 

" Hannah, wife of Joseph. Sept. 3, 1789, aged 45. 

" Hannah, dau. of Joseph and Hannah. Dec. 16, 1788, aged 

17 y. 
" Lydia W., " " " " " Sept. 13, 1794, aged 

19 y. 

" Joseph, son " " " " Jan. 9, 1798, aged 

20 y. 

Marshead, Madam Sarah. Dec. 25, 1750, aged 67. 
Marston, John, Sr. Dec. 19, 1681, aged 66. 

" Mary, wife of John. May 25, 1686, aged 43. 
" Mehitable, wife of William. Dec. 20, 1784, aged 25 y., 10 m. 
Mason, Thomas, tomb. 

Masury, Mary, wife of William. May 17, 1748, aged 26. 
Mather, Mr. Nathaniel. " Dec'd Oct. ye 17, 1688." 
"An aged person 
that had seen 
but nineteen winters 
in the world." 
Millet, Jonathan. June 4, 1795, aged €0. 


Millet, Sarah, wife of Jonathan. Jan. 29, 1811, aged 76. 

" Elizabeth, wife of John, b. May 29, 1773, d. Aug. 18, 1798, 

aged 24 y., 3 m. 
" Capt. Nathan (son of Jona. and Sarah). Sept. 23, 1804, 

aged 32. 
" Rebecca, wife of Capt. Nathan. Nov. 3, 1798, aged 28. 
" William. Aug. 14, 1836, aged 55. 
" Sally, wife of William. Feb. 23, 1830, aged 45. 
Molloy, Mary. June 6, 1832, aged 84. 

More, Capt. Richard (no date; died about 1696. He was 78 years 
old, 1690, when he gave his deposition in Court; born 
1612). Aged 84. 
Christian, (first) wife of Richard. Mar. 18, 1676, aged 60. 
Jane, (second) " " " Oct. 8, 1686, aged 55. 

" Caleb (son of Richard, Sr.). Jan. 4, 1678-9, aged 34. 
(S Samuel, son of Richard (Jr.) and Sarah. Nov. 24, 1673, 
aged 9 days. (On stone of Barbara, dau. of Samuel 
and Susanna Dutch.) 
Moses, Mary, dau. of Joseph and Hannah. Aug. 2, 1838, aged 58 y., 

9 m. 
Mould, Edward, Chyrurgian. Nov. 9, 1688, aged 58. 

" Willmet, wife of Edward. July — , 1684, aged about 58. 
" Elizabeth, dau. of Thomas and Mary. Feb. 9, 1680, aged 

1 y., 9 m. 
<< Thomas, son " " " " Aug. 1, 1681, aged 

1 y., 4 m. 
" Elizabeth, dau. " " " " Aug. 20, 1684, aged 

1 y., 4 m. 
Mudge, Nancy, wife of Capt. Joseph, of Lynn. Jan. 9, 1801, aged 22. 
Mugeord, Mary, wife of Capt. William. May 29, 1804, aged 41. 

" George Peele, son of Capt. William and Mary. Sept. 2, 

1801, aged 2 y., 6 m. 
" Eben Peele, sou of Capt. William and Mary. Aug. 13, 1802, 
aged 1. 

Neale, Judatii, dau. of Joseph and Judath. Feb. 25, 1697-8, aged 15. 
Newhall, Ezra. Apr. 7, 1798, aged GQ. 
Nourse, John (footstone). 

" Abigail, widow of Benjamin. Mar. 1, 1814, aged 70. 
Nutting, John (born Cambridge, Jan. 7, 1694), d. May 20, 1790, aged 
96 y. 

" Ruth, wife of John. Nov. 22," 1736, aged 37. 

" Elizabeth, wife of John. June 10, 1785, aged 71. 

«« John, son of John and Ruth. June 20, 1720, aged 4. 
# [To be continued.] 




Vol. XIII. April, 1875. No. 2. 




[READ MONDAY, FEB. 15, 1875.] 

Benjamin Frederick Browne was born July 14, 1793, 
in a house standing on the spot now known as No. 15 
Winter street. He was carried to meeting at the East 
Church on the same day, and baptized by Dr. Bentley. 
He was a descendant in the seventh generation of John 
Browne, who joined the First Church in Salem in 1637, 
and was ordained a ruling elder of the church, August 
29, 1660. The line of descent was through James, and 
Hannah Bartholomew ; James, and Elizabeth (Pickering) 
Nichols; William, and Mary Frost; William, and Mercy 
White ; Benjamin, and Elizabeth Andrew. 

On the side of his mother, Elizabeth Andrew, he was 
a descendant, in the seventh generation, from Rev. Fran- 
cis Higginson, the first minister of the First Church, in 
Salem. Two of his ancestors, Rev. John Higginson, 
pastor of the First Church, and John Browne, ruling 

(6) 81 


elder, were ordained at the same time, Aug. 29, 1660. 1 
His education began in the school of Madame Babbidge, 
in Essex street, in 1797. Among the most vivid recol- 
lections of that time was the memory of the cuffs, kick- 
ings and chasings he endured from the Federalist boys, 
because, his father being a Republican, he wore no cock- 
ade in his hat. His first hat must have been an object of 
tender regard, for he bought it with five shillings earned 
by picking up scraps of old iron and pieces of junk, and 
selling them at the Hingham boat, which came to Salem 
several times a year with a cargo of boxes and pails. He 
was a pupil of Mr. John Southwick, and joined in the 
frequent fights with Master Lang's scholars, at the time 
when the almshouse stood on the common, and the com- 
mon itself was a dreary place called the town swamp, and 
frequented by horses, cattle, clucks, geese, hens and pigs. 
The streets were unpaved and unlighted. There were no 
police, disorderly persons thronged the streets, and the 
boys of different sections of the town frequently fought 
pitched battles with brickbats and frozen snowballs. 

August 3, 1807, he entered the shop of E. S. Lang, 
apothecary, and son of Master Lang. There, after the 
custom of the times, he served an apprenticeship of five 
years. He finished his apprenticeship and lost his occu- 
pation in 1812, when the war with England had destroyed 
the commerce of his native city. Being young, very 
small in stature and in feeble health, he seemed to be de- 
prived of business at home and a share in the warlike 
pursuits which were engrossing the minds of his towns- 
men. But his experience as apothecary's clerk enabled 
him to obtain a position as surgeon's assistant on board 
the private armed ship Alfred, in which he sailed in Sep- 

1 See Hist. Coll., Vols, v and vii, for genealogies of the Brown and Higginson 


tember, 1812, on a four months' cruise. Two English 
brigs were captured, having valuable cargoes of cotton, 
sugar and dye stuffs. The vessels and cargoes were con- 
fiscated, and the prisoners put on board a Portuguese 
schooner with bread and beef enough to last until they 
arrived in New York. In the third engagement a large 
armed merchantman was engaged, but as the captain 
doubted their ability to complete the capture, they sailed 
away and left her, much to the disgust of the crew. 
Three days after, the general dissatisfaction culminated 
when they fairly ran away from a large vessel, for fear it 
might be a man-of-war. 

Benjamin was now nineteen years old, and, being nei- 
ther fond of the sea nor eager for war, was at his wit's 
end in regard to the means of subsistence, when the 
owners of the privateering schooner "Frolic" offered him 
a place as captain's clerk. To this was added the duties 
of purser and sergeant of marines. They set sail with a 
motley crew, "hatless, shoeless, shirtless, graceless and 
unwashed," in a shapeless craft so singularly unfit for her 
work that, after the first "white squall," the sailors went 
aft in a body and promised to pay back their bounty 
money if the captain would only put them ashore again. 

The vessel was remodelled, and again Benjamin, with 
a heavy heart and light pockets, went on board. The 
first capture was an American vessel sailing under a British 
license. Then, falling in with a fleet of English vessels 
in ballast, bound for Pictou and Merimachi for lumber, 
they captured ten or a dozen of them, and, after taking 
out the crews and the few articles of value, burned them. 
After a profitless voyage they refitted at Portsmouth, 
N, H., and were there when a large portion of the town 
was burned. They set sail on Christmas day, 1813, and 
after some exciting but profitless adventures, were chased 


below the tropical line by the English man-of-war, Heron. 
After a desperate attempt to escape, the captain mounted 
the rigging and announced their surrender. Benjamin 
was now nearly twenty-one years old, and as he stood a 
prisoner of war upon the deck of the Heron, his worldly 
possessions consisted of the checked shirt and duck trous- 
ers in which he stood. With such resources for comfort 
he entered upon a captivity of fifteen months. 

The prisoners were taken to Barbadoes and confined in 
jail for a week, when the officers were admitted to parole. 
They were sent to England in August of the same year, 
in the seventy-four gun ship Benbow. From Plymouth 
they marched sixteen miles over the desolate hills to 
Dartmoor. Breaking a thirty hours' fast with bread, 
water and pickled fish, the prisoners, in their wet and 
muddy clothes, lay down to sleep on the stone floor, and 
so forgot their miseries. 

Each man received a hammock, bed, blanket, pillow, 
and a bunch of rope-yarns to sling his hammock with, a 
wooden spoon, a tin pot, and to every six men a three 
gallon bucket. The prisons were dark, damp and gloomy, 
built of stone, with no furniture but rows of posts from 
which to sling their hammocks in tiers two or three deep. 
The British government furnished clothing, a coarse, 
yellow woollen jacket and pantaloons, with the king's 
broad arrow and the letters T. O. stamped on the back, 
a coarse woollen cap and woollen list shoes with wooden 

The situation of the prison was unhealthy, and during 
the year about one in thirteen of the four thousand died, 
while those who were considered well suffered continu- 
ally from toothache, neuralgia and like ailments. 

The prisoners had a market every day from eleven to 
two o'clock, and had liberty to buy whatever their scanty 


funds would permit. The British government allowed 
each man per day half a pound of beef, a pound and a 
half of bread, some turnips or onions and one-third of 
an Ounce of salt. On Wednesdays and Fridays the bill 
of fare was one pound of herrings or codfish and one 
pound of potatoes with the bread. In addition to this 
the American government allowed each man two-pence 
half penny a day, paid in monthly instalments. In vari- 
ous ways about eighteen thousand dollars a month were 
in circulation among the six thousand prisoners, or about 
three dollars apiece. In such a community this amount 
of money allowed them to practise upon a small scale all 
the commercial virtues and rascalities of the larger world 
outside. To some the pittance was made less valuable 
by inefficiency and unthrift, while others by industry, 
ingenuity and usury were able to take the cream of 
prison life. Young Browne by good fortune found a 
friend in one of those jolly, good-tempered spendthrifts 
who was always at his wit's end for money, but was al- 
ways on good terms with those who had it. "The little 
captain" brought to their mess fabulous amounts of good 
cheer, beefsteak, saltfish, onions, potatoes, white bread 
and brandy. The brandy he kept, but the provisions he 
dealt out with bountiful hands. Impressed by the oppor- 
tunities for gain, the two set up a shop for the sale of 
rum, butter, tobacco, coffee, tea, potatoes, etc. Trade 
prospered. The stock was sold at remunerative prices. 
But when the Tavistock grocer called for a settlement, 
the "little captain," like many another jolly fellow, had 
lost the run of the accounts, and, as he was cashier and 
treasurer, the burden of bankruptcy and subsequent pay- 
ment fell upon Browne. 

By the usual devices of prisoners, the dreary months 
of imprisonment were whiled away or endured at least, 


until worn by suffering, exasperated by petty oppressions 
and thoroughly convinced that their keepers were cold- 
blooded murderers, the prisoners became mutinous. The 
battle of New Orleans had been won. Peace had been 
declared, and men who thought they ought to be free were 
little inclined to endure the brutal treatment to which 
they had been subjected. Instead of attempting to con- 
ciliate them, Captain Shortland, the commanding officer, 
ordered out seven or eight hundred soldiers, who kept up 
a murderous fire upon them for more than ten minutes. 
Then the dead and wounded were gathered up and life 
went on as before for another month. On the first of 
May, 1815, Browne was released from prison, a poor, 
feeble, emaciated youth, weighing just ninety-four pounds 
on the scales at Plymouth. In all the time of his impris- 
onment no tidings of him had reached home. Arriving 
© © 

in New York, he took sloop to Providence and stage- 
coach thence to Salem, arriving at sunrise in his native 
city, from which he was never long absent afterwards. 

The foregoing account has been condensed, and by that 
process the interest has been taken out, from notes writ- 
ten in leisure hours by Mr. Browne, and published through 
the agency of Nathaniel Hawthorne. Dr. Browne (as 
we shall now call him by virtue of apothecaries' brevet) 
showed to him the narrative he had written for his own 
amusement, and Mr. Hawthorne, then a resident of Salem, 
was so much interested in it that he procured its publica- 
tion in the "Democratic Review," in successive numbers, 
during the year 1846. 

Dr. Browne gladly returned to the pursuits of peace, 
and during the ensuing fifty-eight years was known and 
honored as one of our most genial, honorable and trusty 

He went into business as an apothecary with William 



Stearns, Nov., 1816, in the corner store of the Union 
street building. Jan. 1, 1823, he set up a drug store on 
the corner of Essex and Washington streets, in the brick 
building belonging to John Daland, now demolished to 
make way for the Eastern railroad. He moved thence, in 
1828, to the shop on the west side of Court, now Wash- 
ington street, opposite the city hall. 

In April, 1833, he removed to a store standing on the 
spot now occupied by the brick building No. 226 Essex 
street, opposite the First Church. That store was burned 
March 27, 1862. Jan. 1st, 1850, he took Charles H. 
Price, a former clerk, into a partnership which lasted 
until Jan. 1st, 1860, when he finally retired from busi- 

Dr. Browne was married Jan. 23, 1825, to Miss Sally 
Bott, daughter of John Bott and Lydia Henfield. 

He always took great interest in the public organiza- 
tions of his native city. He was for nearly fifty years 
connected with the Independent Congregational Church 
in Barton Square. As one of the marshals he assisted at 
the installation of Rev. Henry Colman, the first minister, 
and helped in the making and distribution of the punch 
which flowed freely on that occasion. He was master of 
the Essex Lodge of Free Masons from 1824 to 1827; 
commander of the cadets from 1825 to 1828 ; represen- 
tative to the general court in 1831 ; state senator in 1843 ; 
postmaster of Salem from 1845 to 1849, and several times 
candidate for the office of mayor. He belonged to the 
democratic party for many years, and all of his public 
political life was spent in the service of that organization. 
But before the war of the rebellion he had grown into 
sympathy with the Republican party with which he qui- 
etly cooperated during the remainder of his life. In the 
legislature he showed skill as a debater, especially in the 


use of dry humor and an effective wit, manifested in cari- 
catures of his opponents, which gave his logic edge and 

The later years of his life, being blessed by a fortune 
adequate to his wants, were spent in comfort and leisurely 
quiet. He never lost his habits of regular attendance at 
his place of business until disabled by his last illness. 
He retained his desk, and, sitting in his comfortable arm- 
chair he watched, with genial interest, the passing of the 
busy crowds, received the greetings of his numerous 
friends, and kept himself in close and cheerful communi- 
cation with the world about him. He was not left behind 
in his old age forgotten and forgetful, but made himself 
the special friend and patron of worthy young men, 
knowing the names, occupations and merits of all who 
came regularly under his notice, and often giving unob- 
trusive and valuable assistance with counsel, money or 
credit. He also indulged in literary and historical pur- 
suits which showed that had his early life been devoted 
to them as his later years were, he would have become 
much more than an ordinary historian, and possibly a 
poet with claims to distinction. "The Papers of an Old 
Dartmoor Prisoner" had such peculiar merits, not merely 
from the interesting subject matter but also for the sin- 
gular skill in narration and vivacity of style that it seemed 
as if Nathaniel Hawthorne, their gifted editor, must have 
added much from his own genius. But a careful com- 
parison of the original manuscript with the printed copy 
shows that the narrative owes nothing whatever to the 
accomplishments of the editor except some slight use of 
the pruning knife. 

In the fire, which burned his store in 1862, he lost 
notes containing the work of many years, in which he had 
put on record the contents of his wonderful memory of 


the men and events which had passed under his notice 
during eighty years of remarkably shrewd attention. 
Had it not been for this misfortune these " Collections " 
would have been enriched by many contributions and this 
sketch would have been unnecessary. 

Dr. Browne was stricken with paralysis on the morning 
of Sept. 6, 1873. His mental powers were for a consid- 
able time unimpaired, and he watched the progress of his 
disease with philosophic calmness and the cheerfulness of 
a strong religious faith; until, after repeated shocks, his 
powers gave way, and he died, Nov. 23, 1873, in the 
eighty-first year of his age. 



Abraham, in account with estate of Wm. Whitridge, 1669. Peti 
tions to be adra'r of estate of Wm. Wambell, 1685. Sold land t( 
Robert Lord, sen'r, previous to 1683. Appr. of est. of Tho. Newman 
etc., 1690. In acc't with est. of Sam'l Searle in 1691. Guardian o; 
children in Rowley, 1691. 

Abraham, Jr., of Hampton, was slain by the Indians June 13, 1677 
His widow, Eliz'th, was app't adm'r, with her father, Tho. Sleeper, foi 
surety, Oct. 9, 1677. His father, Abraham Perkins, was living Apr. 
1679, when the deceas'd's widow had m. Alexander Dennum and at 
that time the three following ch., viz., Merrie, Mary and Elizabeth 
were under age (see probate files). 

David, in acc't with est. of Thomas Tickton in 1677; est. of Wm.j] 
Batchelor, of Salem, 1684; est. of John Batchelor, 1696; Richard) 
Kimball, 1676. 

David, sen'r, witness to will of Capt. John Dixie, of Beverly, 1685. 

Elizabeth, mentioned as daughter of Francis Brown, of Newbury, 
in 1691; iv : 326. 

Jacob, wit. to will of Joseph Metcalf in 1665 ; do. Wm. Hodgkins, 
1694 ; was about 23 years of age in 1685, when he testified in regard 
to will of John Roper, iv : 145. 

Jacob, sen'r, of Ipswich, adm'n granted to his sons Jacob and Mat- 
thew Perkins, Feb. 5, 1699-1700. (Bonds and Inventory on file) 
vii: 7. Jacob and John, witnesses to will of Metcalf, 1665. 

1 The above contribution from the earl}- records of Essex County is made by 
Augustus T. Perkins, Esq., of Boston, not with the belief that it is by any means 
perfect, or that all has been gathered from the sources from which these facts 
were taken, and they thereby exhausted. More has been collected which will, we 
trust, in time appear, but this matter is now given to the interested public that it 
may be thus rendered secure from loss by fire and the corroding and sleepless fin- 
gers of time. 

The Records of the Probate Office, of the Registry of Deeds and, above all, the i 
ancient, and as yet unarranged, files of the Court Records, contain a mine of 
genealogical fact, the outcroppings only of which we now see. 

We trust the time is very near when these perishable and now crumbling records 
shall be secured from further decay, and rendered easy of consultation.— G. A. P. 



I John, sen'r, of Ipswich (sometimes John Perkins the elder) made 
lis will 8, 1 mo., 1654, proved 26 [7], 1654, the same time the inven- 
ory of his estate was presented to court; am't of inventory £250, 
lis., Od. Legatees, wife Judith, eldest son John, who then had sons 
ijrohn and Abraham, son Thomas, who at that time had a son John, 
laughter Elizabeth Sarjent, daughter Mary Bradbury and grandchild 
fhomas Bradbury, daughter Lydia Bennitt, son Jacob, who was to 
iave the real estate after the death of the widow, as the covenant for- 
merly made with her (see file). 

ii John, jr. Inv. of his est. taken by Wm. Goodhue and John Dane 
j Ipswich names] 25, 1 mo., 1659, and presented to court Mar. 28, 1659. 
fllm't £73-10-1 (see file). 

[j John, of Topsfield. Inv. of his est. taken June 12, and presented 
| o court next 30, 4 mo., 1668. Amt. £48, 15s., Od., by Deborah Perkins, 
|iis widow (Judicial ct. files). 

! John, in acc't with est. of Wm. Whitridge presented 1669. 
I Luke, in acc't with est. of Rob. Macklaflin 1691. (Jud. ct. file). 

Matthew, an app'r of est. of Peter Berry of Ips'h in 1693 ; Sam'l 
jraylor, 1695, and Meshech Farloe of Ipswich, 1696; iii: 131. v: 37, 

Samuel, seems to have married one of the two daughters of Twi- 
Ibrd and Mary West of Ipswich, previous to 1683, whose name was 
faannah; iv : 23, 419. 

I . In acc't with estate of John Wood, 1685. 

I] Samuel, of Ipswich, cordwiner, died previous to Nov. 4, 1700, when 
bis widow Hannah Perkins was app'd adm'r, who presented the in- 
ventory May 19, 1701 ; am't £110. vii : 21, 96. 

I Tobijah was a witness to an agreement of the heirs of Mr. Wm. 
Perkins, of 1682 (Jud. Ct. file). He married Sarah, dau. of John 
penison, sen'r, of Ipswich, previous to 1683, when a daughter of 
peirs (no name given), was a legatee in the will of his grandfather, 
NDenison. iv : 29. 

Thomas, witness to will of wid. Maria Williams, of Salem, dated 1, 
|L mo., 1654 (Jud. Ct. file). Elizabeth, his wife, wit. to will of widow 
iilice Ward of Ipswich, 27 (1) 1655 (J. C. file) ; one of the app's of 
He est. of Mr. Wm. Perkins of Topsfield in 1682 (J. C. file). 

William, Mr., of Topsfield, deceased previous to June 15, 1682, 
when the inventory of his estate was presented to court; am't £103- 
lL-10, less debts, £35-8-8, one of the app'rs being a Tho. Perkins, sen'r. 
Adm'rs were Eliz'th, his widow, and son John Perkins. A petition 
md agreement presented to court June 27, 1682, who represent them- 
selves "his surviving children both by nature and marriage," and are 
)n record in the following position : — 


Oliver Purchis 
Mary Purchis 

Tobijah Perkins 

John Bradstreet 

John Perkins 

Sarah Bradstreet. 

Timothy Perkins 

John Baker. 

Catherine Baker. 


John Ramsdel 



Elizabeth Ramsdel 


Thomas Fiske & 

Rebekah Fiske his 

Pro. Rec'dii: 11.) 


William, sen'r, of Topsfield, died Oct. 31, 1695, adm'n granted t 
Eliz'th, his widow, and Wm. and John, his sons, with Tobijah Perkin 
for one of the sureties (original on file) ; am't of Inventory £302, 10s 
Od ; one item, a silver seall £00-03-00. In division of the estate, Jar 
6, 1695-6, the following signed an agreement : son William, son John 
Daughter Eliz'th Perkins, Daughter Mary Smith (who in another placj 
wife of Abra. Smith), Daughters Dorothy and Timothy Perkins (wh< 
made their mark), Nathan and Rebecca Perkins, two minor children 
whose mother, Eliz'th, with Tobijah Perkins for a surety, was app' 
guardian for them, Jan. 6, 1695-6. v : 54. 

William, jr., of Topsfield, deceased previous to Feb. 6, 1698-9, a| 
which time Eliz'th Perkins, his mother, was app'd adm'r. vi : 63. 


Three sets of records at first included all N. of Merrimack river :— 

Old Norfolk, 5 vols. ; Ipswich, 5 vols.; Salem, which is continuecj 

to the present time. 


Abraham and Mary had : — 

Jonathan, b. 30, 9 mo., 1650. Timothy, b. 29, 4 mo, 1657. 

David, b. 28, 12 mo., 1653. Sarah, b. 26, 5 mo., 1659. 

Abigail, b. 12, 2 mo., 1655. Humphrey, b. 17, 3 mo., 1661. 

Abraham, jr., married Eliz'th Sleeper, 27, 6 mo., 1668, and theiri 
daughter Mercy, b. 3, 5 mo., 1671. 


Isaac and Susanna had : — 

Benjamin, b. 12, 12 mo., 1649. Mary, b. 23, 5 mo., 1658. 

Susanna, b. 21, 6 mo., 1652. Joseph, b. 9, 2 mo., 1661. 

Hannah, b. 24, 2 mo., 1656. Daniel, a son of Isaac, died 1, 6 

mo., 1662. 
Isaac Perkins, jr., drowned 10, 7 mo., 1661. 
Jacob and Mary had : — Isaac, b. 18, 10 mo., 1671. 
Benjamin Perkins, died ye 23d, 9th mo., 1670, probably son of 
Mary Perkins m. Giles Fifield, 17, 4, 1652. 
Rebecka Perkins m. Jno. Hussie, 21, 7, 1659. 


Abraham, sen'r, of Hampton sold to Henry Green "one halfe of ye 
water mill at Hampton aforesaid" in 1651 [no wife of Abraham men- 
tioned], i : 17. 

Green assigned to Abra. Perkins a share in ye cowe comon 

same time, i: 18. Testimony of Abraham in regard to Green's assign- 
ment to swaine in 1667. ii: 104. Bought of Isaac Cole of Exeter, 
millwright, 4 acres of land in Hampton bounded by Anthony Taylor, 
Hazzen Levitt, 1671. ii : 248. 

Abraham, Jr., carpenter, bought of John Godfrey of Hampton half 
Jan acre of swamp next to his other land 1671. ii : 227. Bought of 
Jona. Smith of H., brickmaker, 6 acres in ye North Playne it being 
the easterly end of the 12 acres laid out by H. to Henry Sayward, June 
5, 1667. ii: 227. He received of his father Abra. sen'r, of Hampton, 
yeoman, that part of his father's plough land where Abra., Jr's, house 
then (1674) stood; also fresh meadow and salt meadow, etc. iii: 59. 
He "was slayn by the Indians upon ye 13th of June, 1677, and an in- 
ventory of the estate was taken." iii : 28. 

Isaac, of Hampton, Planter, bought of Timothy Dalton, teacher of 
the church in H., a farm in H. next to Salisbury line, with 70 acres of 
meadow and marsh, bounded by John Brown and John Wheelwrite, 
etc., 18, 4 mo., 1652. i: 40. 

Bought 7 acres of upland lying beyonde ye falls river and near his 
house 16, 4 mo., 1652. i: 85. Sold to Thomas Ward of Hampton, 
weaver, 19 acres beyond mill brook in II. (no wife of Isaac mentioned) 
ii : 347. Isaac (continued) exchanged a piece of land with Isaac 
Green, giving to G. a piece two rods wide for a lane on south side of 
P's land, Mar. 31, 1675. iii: 26. Gave to his son Caleb Perkins 4 
acres of upland situated by C's house and 6 acres of salt marsh, 1678. 
iii: 103. Sold to Benj. Brown and John Brown, jr., sons of John 
Brown, sen'r of H., a right of a way to go by Caleb Perkins' farm to 
their farm, 1679. iii: 237. 



Jacob, on his marriage with Susannah, the daughter of Thonu | 
Philbrick, received of his father Isaac Perkins, and father Philbricl 
land Mar. 19, 1668-9; ack'd 14, 7 m., 1671. ii: 223. 

He sold 6 acres of marsh in the above gift of his father Isaac til 
John Smith of H., which was acknowledged 24, 12 mo., 1674, and hi 
was then "Jacob Perkins" (late of Hampton) now of Holmeshole o| 
ye Hand of Martyr's Vineyard in "New England" (no wife mentioned j 
iii : 20. He "of Hampton" bought the six acres of marsh back frocj 
s'd Smith May 8, 1679. iii : 120. 

William, Mr., called himself about 39 years of age, Mar. 2, 1677-8 
at the time he testified a meadow next to his own meadow that he had 
seen Robert Smart mow for 16 years together, etc., sworn to beforo 
Rich'd Martyn, com'r. iii : 106. 


Abraham of Rowley bought of Geo. Hadley of same town 14(1 
acres of upland, seven acres of said land bounded "by the greali 
River called the Merrimack River." Others who owned next to tht 
various pieces were Geo. Hadley, Benj. Kimball, Rob. and John Hazel- 
ton and John Griffin, 20, 4 mo., 1665. ii : 245. He with wife Hannah) J 
sold 20 acres of the above purchase of G. H. to Augustis Stedman oljj 
Newbury, June 26, 1666. iii: 35. 

Abraham of Hampton, in 1639, had for an apprentice boy Benj., son! 
of Humphrey Wise of Ipswich, i: 2. Owned land next to Edmund 
Colcord, situated in Hampton in 1645. i: 8. Witness to a deed fromi] 
Wm. Eaton of H. to Wm. White of Haverhill in 1650. i : 53. 

Abraham of Ipswich, bought of Daniel Hovey £ acre south side of j 
the river, iii: 227. Bought of Sam'l Cogswell of Ips. 10 acres salt| 
marsh at Chebaque in Ips., 1674. iii: 319. Took Freeman's Oath I 
at Ips., 1677. iv: 166. Witness to deed of land owned by Anthony | 
Crosby, 1678. iv: 201. Gave with John Perkins their deposition in 
regard to land of Borman, 1666. iv : 284. Bought of Robert Collins ji 
of Haverhill 3| acres, 1679. iv : 304. With wife Hannah sold to J 
Anthony Potter of Ips. 2£ acres of thatch bank, 1679. iv : 485. Sold I 
to Rob. Lord, sen'r, the house and barn, etc., that he had lately bo't of 
Collins, situated in Ips. 1683. iv : 503. He with wife Hannah sold 
to Benj. Marshall of Ips. 10 acres south side of Jebacco River, it I 
being a part of that farm which was leased of Ips. for 1,000 years, 
dated Sept., 1680, ack'd 1686. v: 226. Abra. sen'r and wife Hannah, 
ordinary keeper, sold to Joseph Fuller, 6 acres at Plumb Island, in 
Ips., 1691. v: 385. An Abraham aged about 50 years, in 1691, testi- 
fied in regard to the beach south side of Little Neck in Ips., of which 
he says he had been acquainted 41 years or more, v : 503. See (Abra.; 

Alice sold land previous to 1655. i : 223. 


Elijah of Topsfield took oath of Freeman in 1G77. iv : 166-7. 

Isaac of Ipswich took Freeman's oath, 1677. iv : 16G-7. Sold to 
lis brother John Gammis all that my part which is a third of the 
louse wherein my father Whitman now dwells, but father Whitman 
,o live in it during the time of his natural life; ack'd by him and wife 
lannah Perkins, 1678. v : 178. He with wife Hannah sold to Samuel 
Story of same town, 1680; ack'd 1683. v : 329. 

Jacob, of Ipswich bought of -Robert Paine, sen'r, of Ips. 6 acres 
Jrape Island, 1667. iii : 178. Jacob, sen'r, bought of Wm. Hubbard 
>f Ips. No. 7 Marsh lot in Plumb Island and by Grape Island, 1668. 
ii: 179. Bought of his father John, sen'r, and his wife Eliz'th the 
bouse last built situated on the south side of Jabaque River, near the 
"alls with 100 acres of land bounded on the north by the highway, on 
;he east by land of Abraham Perkins, on the south of Dark swamp 
md on the west by Jabaque; 20 acres of meadow; 4 acres marsh 
oining on Abra. Perkins farm, 1670; ack'd 1672. iii: 246. Wit. to 
i deed Bridges to Whipple 1660, owned next to John Page, 1660, and 
ippr. of steers taken up in 1672. i : 248, 252. Resigns up to his 
father, John Perkins, sen., two deeds dated 1670 in 1678. iv : 186. 

Jacob, Jr., of Ipswich, took Freeman's oath, 1677. iv: 166. 

John, of Ipswich, yeoman, bought of Wm. Whittred of same town, 
carpenter, a farm with house, etc., situated on the south side of Che- 
becko River and salt marsh by Hog Island River, 1661. ii : 47. Sold 
to Thomas Perkins of same town his house and house lot in Ips. 
bounded by the river towards the south, with a highway upon the 
north; also 3 acres in Manning's Neck; also 6 acres meadow at 
Labour in Vaine, 1665. iii: 11. Way over the last parcel altered, 
see Salem series, x: 186. Bought of Wm. Hubbard, of Ips., clerk, 
the dwelling house lately owned by Mr. John Paine of Boston, with 
8 acres of land bounded by Great St., southwest by Scott's lane, etc., 
1668. iii: 126. Sold with wife Eliz'th's consent to Thomas Perring, 
of same place, 4£ acres marsh land at Plumb Island, 1667, ack'd 1669, 
iii: 135. John, sen'r, yeoman sold to his son Jacob Perkins h his 
farm called the Island, south side the river, that is to say half of 
sagamore Hill excepting 6 acres of marsh by castle Hill Creek to- 
gether with half the House, etc., 1670; ack'd 1672. iii: 245. Gave to 
son Jacob south side of Jabaque River (see under Jacob). Trustee 
for Thos. Bishop estate, 1670. iii: 282. Gave with consent of wife 
[Eliz'th all the sagamore Hill land situated south of Ipswich River, 
1 1674. iii : 337. Bought of Daniel Epps 100 acres which was a part of 
the land he (Epps) had bought of his father-in-law, Sam'l Symonds, 
Esq., joining on Wenham line J. Gilbert's farm, great swamp on the 
brook running out of Pleasant pond and below Beaver dam, etc, 1678. 
iv: 233. Gave his deposition concerning Borman's marsh, 1666. iv: 


284. Sold to his son Samuel and wife, Hannah (or gave to them] 
upland south side Ips. River, with a dwelling house thereon, etc. 
1674, and ack'd 1G79. iv : 285. Bought of Wm. Whitridge of Ips 
all his farm in Chebacco — 200 acres and all the meadow to it, witl 
house, etc., situated south side of Chebacco River, bounded by Com 
mon, Edward Bragg and Wm. Storey, etc., Dec, 7, 1660. iv : 470, 
John (Q. Master John; for 6,000 bricks sold John Day 50 rods oi 
land, 1683. iv : 530. Q. M. John and wife Elizabeth ack'd that the; 
had sold to his son Abra. Perkins all his marsh in that town o) 
Ipswich — 15 acres north of Jacob Perkins, west by Sagamore Creek, J 
etc., 1683-4. v: 3. Acknowledged the deed to his son Isaac of yt 
farm he now lives on in Ips. at Chebacco as it lies bounded with 
goodman Bragg on the North and goodman Story on the N. East, 
etc. (see page above, Whitridge land) 1684. v : 19. Gave to his son 
Luke (the father calling himself "John Perkins of Ips., ordinary 
keeper") in several pieces 11 acres of pasture land, 12 acres of upland 
and marsh (6 of it marsh) 15 acres of marsh joining to Jacob Perkins 
on souih side and one piece of marsh of about 1 acre, etc., provided 
Luke maintain the father's wife Eliz'th and son Sam'l during their 
natural lives, etc., 1683, and in a codicil Q. Master John provided 
" that Sam'l Perkins be not disturbed in ye possession of y't w'h he 
hath given to him and hath built upon," Apr. 1684. v: 21. Gave to 
son Nathan'l Perkins half the farm in Chebacco that he bought of 
Willi Whittred the other part of s'd farm having been given to son | 
Isaac; he this time, Apr., 1684, calls himself yeoman with w. Eliz- 
abeth, v: 21. 

John (sen'r, Q. M., Innkeeper, etc., of Ips., continued). He in 
1685-6, on acc't of Luke's ill treatment, etc., takes the land before 
given from him, and various deeds, etc., etc., are recorded in Yol. x, 
as at pages 72, 73, 226. Sold to Mr. Jona. Wade one acre of his land 
at Chebacco next to Wade's saw mill, 1685. v : 88. Testified in 
court (no age given) in regard to the treaty between widow Cheney 
and Rob. Cross, sen'r, when C's son Steven Cross was a suitor to 
Eliz'th, dau. of the widow; testimony given, 1672. v: 128. Sold a 
small piece of to Sam'l Moses, 1684. v : 176. Sold to Philip Fowler 
of Ips. about 1 acre in great common field on the north of Ipswich 
river, witnessed by a Nath'l Perkins, 1682, ack'd 1684. v : 172. He 
had a right to dry fish ou a beach as early as 47 years previous to 
1695, according to the deposition of John Clark, Salem, series x : 161. 
A John Perkins prized a horse taken up at large by a Thomas Perkins, 
1679. i: 257. A John Perkins " the younger" owned land next to 
Rich'd Scofield, Ipswich, 1641 and 1643. i: 6, 22. 

John (continued). Had land granted to him by the town of 
Ipswich which was afterwards owned by Nicholas Marble, and Mar- 


ble sold it to Robert Cross in 1G54, and lie owned Sagamore Hill; 
which was next to some that Simon Stone sold to Tho. Wells in 
1G54. 1 : 150 and ii : 18. John of Topsfield (son of Mr. Win. Perkins 
of Topsfield, dec'cl) then (1G85) sold to his bro. Timothy Perkins of 
same town all right he had in a lot of Real estate they (John and 
Tim.) purchased in Co. of their father Wm. and their bro. Tobijah, 
July 2, 1681, viz: 20 acres near the Meeting house in Topsfield, and 8 
acres of meadow and deed of consianm't from Tobijah May 25, 1683, 
comprising house, etc., with 7 acres of land bounded easterly by Wm. 
Avery, and on the side of which stood a grist mill, Apr. 2, 1685. v : 
93. John of Topsfield took Freeman's oath, 1677, and John, Jr., of 
Ipswich do., do. iv : 166-7. 

Luke, of Ipswich, at one time had a deed of his father John but 
afterward lost it (see under John) and v : 274. He sold to John Gould 
of Topsfield h acre with house, ware house, etc., 1684. v : 68. Was 
an appr. of ahorse taken up in Ipswich, 1676. i: 255. Took Free- 
man's oath in Ips., 1677. iv : 166-7. (Other deeds, see Salem series.) 

Nathaniel took the oath of Freeman at Ipswich in 1677. iv ; 166-7. 

Samuel took the Freeman's oath at Ips. in 1677. iv : 167-7. Made 
provision for by his father, John Perkins, of Ipswich in 1684. v : 21. 

Thomas, of Topsfield, bought of Richard Swaine of Hampton and 
wife Jane a farm of about 200 acres of upland, bounded by land of 
John Wild and John Redington towards the north and northeast, with 
land of Robert Andrews towards the northwest, Anthony Cornell 
towards N. W., Zacheus Gould towards the west and bounded by 
Browning, Towneses and Bradstreet; also 20' acres of meadow 
bounded by the river towards the southeast, with one acre of Bad 
meadow joining to 20 acres ; also 6 acres of meadow once owned by 
Wm. Dixy of Salem, commonly called Webster's meadow, together 
with house, etc., 6, 6 mo., 1660. i, 245. 

He with wife Phebe Perkins sold to Rob't Pearce of Ipswich, all that 
they had of their father Zacheus Gould by deed of gift, it being a full 
£ of 600 acres in the village land of Rowley [now Boxford ?] bounded 
with other land of Z. Gould on the southeast and south, Andover line 
on the west and north, and Fishing brook towards the N. and N. East, 
Sept. 24, 1662. ii: 123. Sold to Lt. Francis Peabody of Topsfield, 
30 acres in the farthermost division, lots bounded on the east by Ips. 
river, south by Enclicot's land, etc. No wife of P. mentioned ; ack'd 
Apr., 1675. iii: 360. 

Thomas, of Topsfield (continued) sold to Abra. Redington of 
Rowley Village a parcel of meadow on the west end of crooked pond 
in Rowley Village, surrounded by land that was Zacheus the father 
of John Gould (no name of P. mentioned) Apr. 1, 1678. iv : 176. 
Bought of Zacheus Gould of T. a parcel of land which laid partly in 


T. and partly in R. village, and another piece by crooked pond, Mar. 
8, 1663-4:, and acknowledged by Gould, Mar. 30, 1668. iv : 268. Bought 
of Jacob Barney 6£ acres of meadow and upland in T. that B. had of 
Sam'l Corning, sen'r, bounded by Tho. Browning, the river and by 
Perkins' land, Dec, 1672, ack'd 1675. iv : 269. Bought of John Rob- 
inson 20 acres south side of Ips. river, bounded by Francis P. Tho. 
Baker, Farmer Nichols, ack'd 11, 9 mo., 1674. iv : 270. Bought of 
Jacob Barry, Wm. Dodge, sen'r and al., some of Bad meadow and 
some by Ips. river, 1677. iv : 270. Bought of John Wild, sen'r, of 
T., 20 acres bounded by Tho. Dorman, Wm. Smith and Farmer Por- 
ter's land, ack'd 1675. iv: 270; also he bought of John Rayment, 
Edmund Thomas of T., a Planter (continued). He with wife Phebe 
sold to Joseph Reddington of Ipswich, that marsh that he had bought 
of his brother John Perkins, situated neer Labor-in-vain Land by 
Ipswich River northerly, and Nov. 1, 1679, they quit claimed it to 
Annis, widow of s'd Joseph Reddington. iv : 296. They Sold Thomas 
Baker of 20 acres, viz : the 9th lot in the hither division of Topsfield, 
bounded by Tho. Borman, Farmer Porter, Wm. Smith, etc., Dec. 19, 
1681. iv: 428. Thomas Perkins, Dea., paid a fine, £250, the court 
had sentenced his son Zacheus Perkins in 1681; also delivered the 
goods to Tho. Maule. iv : 430. He called himself husbandman with 
wife Phebe sold to Daniel Clarke 30 acres in Topsfield, and other 
small pices Jan. 3, 1672. iv: 462. Received a quitclaim from his 
partners in some lands, etc., acted Oct., 1682. iv : 467. His land 
joined that of Wm. Goodhue in 1656, ii : 230; of Wm. Hubbard, sen'r, 
in 1658, i: 2-16 and Rich. Swain in 1660, i: 242. His daughter Phebe 
and Joseph, a son of Wm. and Joannah Towne of Topsfield, con- 
tracted to be married previous to 1663. ii : 157 (see Salem series). 

Thomas, Jr., took oath of Freeman in Topsfield in 1677. iv : 166-7. 

Timothy took oath of Freeman in Topsfield, 1677. iv : 166-7. With 
bro. John bought of Win., their father, and Wm.'s wife Eliz'th Perkins, 
20 acres of land near the meeting-house in Topsfield, where they all 
of them resided; also 8 acres of meadow in T., bounded by John 
Reddington, by Wild, Baker, etc., July 2, 1681. iv: 432. A mortgage 
assigned to him and bro. John from his bro. Tobijah, Jan. 3, 1683. 
iv : 78. He, the son of Wm. of Topsfield, bought of Barzillah Bar- 
ker and wife, Anna Barker, of Rowley, 10 acres of meadow and up- 
land, bounded east with land of John Reddington, south by Mr. Per- 
kins and west with a highway leading from Topsfield to Ipswich on 
the north, with a brook of water y't comes from the mill, 1684. v : 44. 
He took a horse in 1680 which was prized by Zachariah and Timothy 
Perkins; also took up another one in 1681. i: 257-8. 

Tobijah, of Topsfield, bought of Isaac Cummings and wife Mary of 
same town 44 acres, which was all the land of C. situated upon the 


south side of the brook called Howlett's Brook, and bounded on the 
west by Lt. Fr. Peabocly, south by Daniel Borrnan, east by land that 
Wm. Howlet's house was built upon, with privilege for him to cart 
through Commings farm from this land to Winthropps Hill, July 9, 
1G74. iii : 316. Took oath of Freeman in Topsfield, 1G77. iv : 16G-7. 
Sold to Isaac Cumings of that town about 20 acres of land in T. lot 
No. 16, "furderest division" and next to "farmer Nequallis land," 
and it was on south side of Ips. river, Feb., and acknowledged Apr., 
1678. iv : 151. Bought of Daniel Borrnan of T. 40 acres at the N. W. 
end of B's farm in Topsfield, and bounded by that land that P. bought 
of Isaac Cummings, Oct. 12, 1677, and ack'cl June 22, 1681. iv : 406. 
Bought of Nath'l Adams and wife Mercy of Ipswich, 16 acres of 
meadow in Ipswich, bounded southward by the common called Paincs 
Hills (as one goeth up to Topsfield) westward with the land of Edw'd 
Nealand, etc., 1683. v : 46. He prized horse taken up by John Hovey 
in 1675 and by Thomas Howlet of Ips., 1677. i : 254, 256. 

William, Mr., of Topsfield, and wife, Mrs. Eliz'th Perkins, sold to 
Tho. Millet, of Gloster, the house that he had in Gloster of Mr. 
Brewer and al., 13, 1 mo., 1657. ii : 17. He mortgaged to Thomas 
Clark, late of Plimouth, but now of Boston, merchant, all that his 
house and seven acres of land in Topsfield, on the northerly side of 
which stood a grist mill, etc., Jan. 20, 1671, "Provided allways that 
if the just and true sum of twenty pounds in lawfull money of England 
be well and truely payed at one entire payment unto the said Thomas 
Clarke or his assignes in the cittye of London within six weeks space 
after the arrivall of the good ship called the Blessing of Boston 
above said whereof is Master William Greenough in the river of 
Thames according to the true intent and meaning of three bills of 
exchange charged by the above named Wm. Perkins upon his mother, 
Mrs. Jane Perkins, widow, dwelling at the three cocks upon Ludgate 
Hill near to the West End of St. Paul's Church in London, which 
three bills doe brare date with these presents that then this deed is 
voyd and of none efect and every clause therein mentioned" acknowl- 
edged Jan. 20, 1671. (This was discharged by Clarke, Feb. 21, 1676.) 
iv : 202. The above mortgage was assigned to Tobijah Perkins, his 
son, by Clark, Feb. 21, 1676, and ack'd by him June 8, 1683, and he 
assigned it to his brothers John and Timothy Perkins, May 20, 1682, 
iv : 70. He mortgaged to Richard Woods 20 acres in Topsfield near the 
meeting house, Oct. 26, 1678, which was discharged by Fr. Woodcle. 
July 2, 1681. iv: 201. He, Wm. senr and wife, Eliz'th, sold to the 
sons John and Timothy Perkins, of T., 20 acres near the meeting 
house and 8 acres in T., bounded by John Reddington, Wild and 
Baker, etc., July 2, 1681. iv : 432. Bought of Wm. Acre of Rowley, 
32 acres in T. called Busly Hill by common land on the S. W. John 


Wild formerly owned it, etc. ; also 8 acres of meadow which was 
next into a place called Snookes hole, etc., 1684. v: 37. Bought of 
John French 2 acres bounded with F. on the N. and P. on the south, 
Jan. 8, 1G72; also 1 acre, 20 poles, next to P's other land, May 19, 
1G85. v : 289, 290. He sen'r and yeoman of Tops, bought of John 
Wild of T., a carpenter, 4 acres in T. bounded by lands of said W. 
and P., etc., 1G8G. v:291. 

William (continued) bought of Sarah, the widow of Thomas Gil- 
bert, then of Charlestown, 10 acres of meadow, with a slip of upland 
situated in Topsfield, the same that G. had of Tho. Howlet, bounded 
by Howlet, Simon Bradstreet and John French, 1677. v : 292. He 
was an app'r of the estate of Walter Tibbot of Gloster in 1651. i : 117. 
Took up a horse going at large in 1674. i: 253, and Mr. Wm. sen'r 
took oath of Freeman in Topsfield in 1677. iv : 166-7. 

Zackeriaii, took Freeman's oath, Topsfield. iv : 166-7. Was fined 
by the court and his father, Dea. Thomas Perkins, paid the £250, and 
delivered the goods to Thomas Maul, 1681. iv : 430. He owned land 
in Topsfield next to some owned by Wainwright in 1686. See Salem 
Series, vii : 81. 


Abraham, of Ipswich, with wife Hannah, sold to Sam'l Corning, 
Jr., and Nath'l Stone of Beverly, 10 acres of meadow in Chebacco, 
that was let to John Cogswell, dec'd, for 1000 years, ack'cl iv: 94. 
Bought of Sam'l Chapman and wife Ruth about an acre with fruit 
trees upon it in 1687, bounded by s'd Perkins' and Chapman's lands 
and the highway, vii: 153, viii : 101. He bought of Job Bishop and 
Stephen Cross, 6 acres, Plumb Island, 1689, viii: 127. Three deeds 
passed from one to the other between him and Luke onacc't of Luke's 
trouble with his father, 1688. viii : 64, 132. 

Caleb owned laud next to Eben. Perkins, 1693. x: 45. 

David, of Beverly, a blacksmith, whose wife's name was Elizabeth, 
bought of Wm. Cleaves one acre of upland bounded by John Stone, 
Mark Haskell, 1677. iv : 171. Sold to Robert Roundy 1 acre bounded 
by John Stone and Mark Haskell, etc., with a house, 1G80. v: 80. 
Bought of Tho. Haines of Salem, Malster, 7 acres in Beverly, bounded 
westerly by John Benitt, northerly by Mr. John Hale and John Samp- 
son, etc., and 8 acres bounded by John Lambert, etc., formerly be- 
longed to Robert Harris, with house, etc., and Haines also quitclaimed 
at same time, 1680. v : 81, and see vi : 125. He bought of John Samp- 
son an orchard of half an acre, which was bounded by Mr. Hale and 
the cow lane easterly and s. and w. by land that was formerly Rich'd 
Haines and now owned by David Perkins, and it was 8 rods below the 
great rock, v : 92. He bought of Tho. Pickton of B. a triangular 
piece of meadow in Wenham of 2 acres, bounded westerly by a meadow 


called Bunchat's, southerly with the swamp, etc., 1677. vi : 54. Bought 
of Rob. Roundy of B. one acre bounded by Stone, Haskall, etc., 1G85. 
vii : 54, and sold this piece again to Jacob Griggs of Glocester, cooper, 
Dec. 31, 1G85. vii: 57. Sold to Mr. Elliot of B., 2 acres, 20 rods in 
B. in 1688. ix : 77. 

Ebenezer, of Hampton, sold to John Stevens, of Salisbury, half 
his bouse and farm in Hampton on the westerly side of the way to 
Salisbury (the other half then sold to J. Green) bounded on the north 
by land that had been owned by his bro. Jacob Perkins, also 10 acres 
salt marsh bounded on the south by land of Joseph Perkins and Caleb 
Perkins, ack'd by him, wife Mary and by his mother Susanna Per- 
kins, July, 1693. x: 45. 

Edmund Perkins, with William Welsteed and Isaac Addington, was 
witness to a mortgage from John Sparke and wife Mary, of Ipswich, 
to John Wainwrite, of same town, of land with bakehouse, etc , 
situated in Ipswich, May 2, 1688, and acknowledged in Boston before 
Samuel Shrimpton, one of the counsel, viii: 119. 

Elisha owned land in Topsfield next to some that Thomas of En- 
field sold to John Robinson in 1692. ix : 55. 

Jacob of Ipswich, aged about 61 years of age gave to son Mathew, 
as said son was to be married to a daughter of Lt. Burnam, a house, 
With 1 acre of land in Ipswich " within ye gate that the highway leads 
to Jeffrey's Neck, and two acres of planting laud in ye field called 
Manning's neck bounded by son Jacob and by the other land of his 
father, also half of two division lots at Plumb Island, with other land 
to make up \ of the giver's land at his decease, and Mathew's widow 
to have the use of it as long as she shall be his widow, etc., witnessed 
by Abraham and Jacob, Jr. (no wife of Jacob, sen'r, mentioned) Mar. 
23, 1685, ack'd Sept. 9, 1687. vii : 148. He when about 61 years of 
age, Mar. 23, 1685-6, and ack'd Sept. 10, 1687, gives to his son Jacob 
Perkins tertius, in consideration of his marriage to a daughter of 
John Sparkes, % of an acre out of his homestead for this son to set 
his nous, 2 acres in Manning's neck next to Mathew's land, £ of two 
lots at Plumb Island, etc. viii : 52. He, Jacob, Sarg't and sen'r, of 
Ips., as he had grown old and deceped, and not able to manage his 
farm, gives the other part of his farm to sons Jacob and Mathew, 
provided they maintain his wife as long as she lived (an agreement 
having previous been made at their marriage) he having previously 
given his other children their portions, viz. : John, Elizabeth, Judith, 
Mary, Joseph, Jabez and Hannah, acknowledged by him Mar. 20, 
1693-4. ix : 272. Jacob and his brother Abra. Perkins owned land in 
Chebacco, next to land of Daniel Epps, of Ips., in 1685. vii : 16. 

Jacob, of Hampton, sold to John French, of Salisbury, house with 
24 acres on the country way that goes towards Salisbury, bounded by 
land that was formerly owned by his father, Isaac Perkins, of Hamp- 


ton, and then in possession of the grantor's brother, Eben'r Perkins, 
and right of cow common, that his father bought of Tim. Dalton (see 
Norfolk deeds above). He and his wife, Mary Perkins, acknowledged 
it, July 6, 1693. x : 44. 

John, of Wenham, in Co. with Daniel Kellam and John Gilbert of 
Ips., yeoman, bought of D. Epps two or three hundred acres of the 
land that was granted to Sam'l Symonds, of Ips., bounded southerly 
on Wenham line and Perkins' land, and easterly on land of K. and 
Gilbert, Aug., 1693. 119. John of Topsfielcl, farmer, bought of James 
Russill, Esq., of Charlestown, 500 acres, together with 28 acres of 
meadow in Lynn, with house, etc., which land had formerly belonged 
to three generations of the " Holiock " family, viz. : Elizer, 1 Elizer, 2 and 
Edward 3 , and the meadow to the Bancrofts, Apr. 21, 1694. x: 189. 
He had a right to dry fish on a beach in Ips. x : 161. 

Joseph owned next to Eben'r Perkins in 1693. x: 45. 

Luke sold an half acre of land, with a warehouse, etc., in Ipswich, 
1689. viii: 133 (see Abraham). 

Mathew received a deed of gift of a part of the residue of his 
father Jacob's estate, 1694. ix : 272. He receiving the first gift at his 
m. to a dau. of Lt. Burnam, dated 1685 (see Jacob, vii : 148). 

Thomas, of Topsfield, exchanged with John Robinson of same 
town and let Robinson have 6 acres of upland and swamp in T. 
bounded by said Perkins and Robinson other lands, John How, etc., 
Oct. 30, 1674. iv : 59. Owned land next to John Gould, in 1670, 1676, 
1667, Daniel Clarke in 1679, and next to Bishop in 1684. iii: 101 and 
172, v: 33, vi: 24, 60, 115 and 135, viii : 164. Dea. Thomas owned 
next to J. How, 1682. vi : 75. 

Thomas Perkins of Enfield, in co. of Hampshire, sold to John 
Robinson of Topsfield, 20 acres in the 4th division of Topsfield, 
bounded by John Bradstreet, common lands, Elisha Perkins, etc., and 
this land was received by will from his grandfather, Thomas Perkins, 
no wife of his mentioned in this deed, Oct., 1692. ix : 58. 

Tobijah exchanged for ten acres with Michaell Dunwell and let 
Dunwell have 10 acres in the division south side of Ipswich river, 
which had beeu owned by Lt. Peabody, etc., Sept. 14, 1674, ack'd 
Apr. 1, 1674. x : 158. 



John Perkins married Deborah Browning, Nov. 28, 1666. 

Thomas m. Sarah Wallis, June 6, 1683. 

Timothy m. Edna Hazen, of Rowley, Aug. 2, 1686. 

Luke m. Martha Conant, May 31, 1688. 

Mary ra. Abra. Smith, Apr. 25, 1694. 



Mr. William (no wife mentioned) had 
John, b. Apr. 2, 1655. Timothy, b. Aug. 11, 1658. 

Sarah, b. Mar. 2, 1656. Rebecka, b. May 4, 1662. 

Thomas (no wife mentioned) had 
Judith, b. Jan. 28, 1658. Timothy, b. June 6, 1661. 

John (no wife mentioned) had 
Thomas, b. Nov. 4, 1667. 

Tobijah and Sarah had 
Priscilah, b. Apr. 21, 1688. Mary, b. Jan. 19, 1690-1. 

William and (Elizabeth, mentioned from Apr., 1683) had 
Elizabeth, b. June 21, 1670. Dorothy, b. Apr. 30, 1678. 

Mary, b. Apr. 4, 1672. Nathan, b. Apr. 24, 1683. 

John, b. Feb. 20, 1675. Rebecka, b. Sept. 4, 1685. 

Elisha and Catherine or Katherine (from 1600). 
Thomas, b. Oct. 15, 1681. John, b. Aug. 2, 1685. 

Phebe, b. Aug. 10, 1600. Katherine, b. Feb. 3, 1688. 

Elisha, b. May 27, 1683. 

Thomas and Sarah had 
Sarah, b. Jan. 20, 1684. 

Timothy and Edna had 
Timothy, b. Sept. 21, 1687. 


William Perkins, May 21, 1682. 
Hannah, wife of Timothy, Nov. 14, 1690. 
John, d. Mar. 5, 169-. 
Dea. Thomas d. Mar. 7, 1C86. 


Abraham Perkins married Hannah Beamsley, Oct. 16, 1661. 

Elizabeth m. Thomas Borman, Jan. 1, 1667. 

Jacob m. Sarah Wainwright, 1667. 

Martha m. John Lampson, Dec. 17, 1668. 

Mary, m. Thomas Well, Jan. 10, 1669. 

Judith, m. Nathaniel Brown, Dec. 16, 1673. 

Luke, m. Elizabeth Jago, Apr. 26, 1677. 

Samuel, m. Hannah West, 1677. 

Jacob, m. Eliz'th Sparks, Dec. 25, 1684. 



Jacob (no wife mentioned) had 
Mary, b. May 14, 1658. Matthew, b. June 23, 1G65. 

Jacob, b. , 16G2. 

Abraham (no wife mentioned until Aug., 1676) had 
Hannah, b. Mar. 7, 16[62?]. 
Abraham, b. Aug. 5, 1665. 

John, b. Feb. 25, 1667. C Mother Hannah and recorded at request 
John, b. Aug. 23, 1676. ( of Mrs. Hannah Perkins. 
Abraham, b. Dec. 22, 1685 (mother Hannah. 

Matthew and Esther had 
Matthew, b. Apr. 14, 1687. 

Jacob, Jr. (no wife mentioned) had . 
John, b. Jan. 31, 1668; died Apr. 6, 1669. 

Philip, a daughter, b. 20 [1669?]. 

Phillip, a daughter, b. Nov. 28, 1670. 
Francis, b. Dec. 18, 1672. 
Beamsly, b. Apr. 7, 1673. 
Wesley, b. Mar. 13, 1674. 
Sarah, b. May 18, 1677. 

Isaac (no name of mother given) had 
John, b. July 1, 1670. Jacob, b. Nov. 9, 1673. 

Abraham, b. Sept. 15, 1671. Elizabeth, b. May 29 [1680?]. 

Hannah, b. Jan. 31, 1673. Elizabeth, b. May 29, 1681. 

Isaac, b. May 23, 1676. Mary, b. Mar. 27, 1687. 

Sarg't Jacob, no wife (mentioned) had 
Joseph, b. June 21, 1674. Jarvis, b. May 15, 1677. 

Samuel and (Hanna [West?], June 1685) had 
Samuel, b. Nov. 26, 1679. 
Eben'r, b. Feb. 3, 1681. 
Elizabeth, b. June 23, 1685 (mother Hanna.) 

Nathaniel and Judith had 
Jacob, b. Feb. 15, 1685. 

Isaac of Chebacco had 
Mary, b. Mar. 27, 1687. 


Elizabeth, wife of Q. M. John, Sept. 27, 1684. 

, wife of Sarg't Jacob, Feb. 12, 1685. 

Q. M. John died Dec. 14, 1686. 



Luke and Martha Conant m. May 31, 1688. 


Elisha and Catherine had 
John, b. Aug. 2, 1685. 

William and Elizabeth had 
Rebecka, b. Sept. 4, 1685. 


Abraham Perkins sued Theo. Atkinson in 1678 and obtained £12-4- 
10. Sued John Cutt, Jr., and obtained £142 in 16 — . Licenced to 
still and sell by ye quart, 1663-4 and again in 1668. Sued Christopher 
Miller and got the case in 1667; was sued by Mr. Win. Hubbard but 
got the case, 1674. Attorney for his father, Q. M. John vs. his bro. 
Luke, 1686. Sued Daniel Hovey, sen'r of Ipswich, for tresspass. He 
was one of the Tryal Jury, 1674 and 1684. Sworn Freeman, 1685. 

David on the jury Nov. 25, 1684. 

Jacob, of Ipswich, made Freeman, Mar. 16, 1660. On the jury of 
Tryal, 1655 ; with Thomas and John gave deposition 1647 in case John 
Tuttle vs. Rob. Elwell and al. Jury of tryal again 1657, 1662, 1665, 
1671 and grand jury in 1659. 

Serg't Jacob on jury of Tryal 1673, and Grand Jury 1675, 1681, 

John sued Tho. Newan, 1673. He "dying intestate adm'r granted 
to Deborah, his widow. Inv. £48-15s. Their only child was Thomas, 
under 21, probably young 1668. 

John, Jr., of Ipswich, adm'n granted to Lydia, his wife. Inv. £73- 
lOs-ld. Only child was a daughter and newly born, Mar., 1659. Jury 
for Tryal, 1657. 

John, licensed to sell strong water, 1662 and 1668 to 1682. Jury 
for Tryal 1657 and 1662. 

John, sen'r, being above 60 years of age freed from ordinary train- 
ing, 1650. Grand Jury 1648 and 1652. 

Quartermaster John licensed to sell liquor 1668-1682. Fined for 
suffering gaming in his house, 1672; for suffering Rich'd Bosforcl in 
his house unseasonable hours, 1678, and for misdemeanor, 1681. Sued 
Usual Warclwell and Tho. Newman, 1672. Sued John Burnnam for 
mowing and carrying off hay in 1683. 



Continued from page 80. 

Orne, Benjamin, son of Benjamin and Elizabeth. Sept. 7, 1736, aged 
9 m., 8 d. 

" Capt. Josiah. June, 1789, aged 44. 

" Alice, wife of Capt. Josiah. Mar. 16, 1776, aged 29. 

" William, tomb, 1797. 
Osgood, Dea. Peter. Sept. 24, 1753, aged 90. 

" Martha, widow of Peter. Sept. 10, 1760, aged 91. 

" Hannah, widow of Nathaniel. Mar. 4, 1774, aged 84. 

Packer, Hephzibah, wife of Thomas. Jan. 22, 1684, aged 25 y., 5 m. 
" Susanna, dau. of Thomas and Hephzibah. Oct. 21, 1683, 
aged 1 y., 10 m. 
Page, Samuel. June 24, 1785, aged 35. 

" Lois, wife of Samuel. June 6, 1779, aged 26. 
" Elizabeth, clau. of Samuel and Lois. Jan. 5, 1799, aged 23. 
" Sarah, wife of John. Oct. 6, 1791, aged 39. 
Palfray, Warwick. Oct. 10, 1797, aged 81. 

" Benjamin Ward, son of Warwick. Dec. 11, 1793, aged 26. 
Parkman, Deliverance, merchant. Nov. 15, 1715, aged 64 y., 3 m., 
12 d. 
" Meiiitable, 2d wife of Deliverance. Dec. 17, 1684, aged 

about 26. 
" Margaret, wife of " Mar. 25, 1689, aged 

" Susanna (wid. and 4th wife of Deliverance). Feb. 19, 

1727-8, aged 85. 
" Deliverance (son of Deliverance and 3d wife, Margaret), 
Mar. 19, 1688, aged 3. 



Parkman, Samuel, son of Deliverance and Margaret. Sept. 20, 1688, 

aged 15 m. 
Patterson, Capt. Wm. Sept. 6, 1793, aged 47. 

Peele, Roger, born London, Eng., Jan. 26, 1676, died Salem, 1728, 
aged 52. Also his wife, Margaret Bartol, born in Mar- 
Jonathan. Jan. 1, 1782, aged 80. 
Mrs. Sarah (wife of Jona.). Dec. 10, 1736, aged 31. 
Robert. Apr. 29, 1773, aged 60. 
Mary, wife of Robert. May 4, 1771, aged 58. 
Robert (son of Robert and Mary). June 12, 1792, aged 54. 
Elizabeth, wife of Robert, Jr. Aug. 6, 1770, aged 27. 
Eunice, " " " " June 20, 1780, aged 47. 
Josiah B., son " " " June 20, 1784, aged 19. 
William, born Dec. 27, 1738, d. Mar. 4, 1817, aged 78. 
William, son of Robert and Elizabeth. July 20, 1801, aged 

2 y., 2 ra., 20 d. 
Robert, born Apr. 19, 1767, died Mar. 21, 1842, aged 74. 
Betsy Smith, 1st wife of Robert, b. Aug. 21, 1768, cl. Dec. 
<J 18, 1828, aged 60. 

" Sarah Brown, 2d wife of Robert, b. Oct. 14, 1770, d. Jan. 
[ 20, 1854, aged 83. 

Peeas, Daniel. Nov. 18, 1774, aged 20. 
Peirce, Nathan, tomb. 1801. ' 

" Asa. May 1, 1827, aged 66. 
" Anna (wid. of Asa). Mar. 29, 1842, aged 78. 
Perkins, Peggy, wife of Tarrant. Sept. 24, 1795, aged 18. 
Phelps, Rachel, wife of Jona., b. Phil., Jan. 12, 1741, d. Sept. 5, 1776. 
Phillips, Christopher. July 24, 1699, aged 77. 

" Elizabeth, wife of Henry. Aug. 12, 1798, aged 51. 
Phippen, Samuel. Feb. 1, 1717-18, aged 68. 

Rachel, wife of Samuel. Feb. 1, 1710-11, aged 52. 
" Mary, wife of Thomas. Mar. 19, 1722-3, aged 49. 
" Joseph. May 11, 1783, aged 24. 
" William. May 28, 1796, aged 44. 

Lois, wife of William. Mar. 11, 1794, aged 40. 
Samuel. Feb. 22, 1797, aged 53. 
" Samuel, son of Samuel and Mary. Oct. 2, 1801, aged 19. 
" David. Jan. 14, 1849, aged 73. 
Pickman, Toppan and Barton, tomb. 

14 Capt. Benj., Sr. (son of Benj. and Eliz'th). Apr. 26, 1719, 

aged 46. 
44 ' Abigail (wid. of Capt. Benj.). Mar. 24, 1737-8, aged 56. 
" Caleb (son of Capt. Benj. and Abigail) struck by lightning. 
June 4, 1737, aged 22. 


Pickman, Benjamin (born Bristol, Eng., 1645), cl. Dec. 31, 1708, aged 
" Elizabeth (wid. of Benj.). Dec. 19, 1727, aged 77. 
" Capt. Joshua, mariner (son of Benj. and Eliz'th). Jan. 24, 

1750, aged 69. 
" Abigail, wife of Joshua, and dau. of Nehemiah and Abigail 
Willoughby.- Aug. 24, 1710, aged 30. 
Pitman, Mary, wife of Capt. John. May 31, 1802, aged 42. 

" Thomas Simmons, son of Capt. John and Mary. Jan. 17, 

1792, aged 3 m. 

Pratt, John. Mar. 12, 1729-30, aged 65. 

" Mrs. Margaret (wid. of John). Mar. 22, 1759, aged 87. 

" Elias, son of John and Margaret. Nov. 17, 1706, aged 4. 

" Mrs. Maverick. Jan. 23, 1763, aged 49. 

" Mrs. Hannah. Feb. 9, 1765, aged 58. 

" Mrs. Lydia (footstone). 
Prescott, Mrs. Mary. Sept. 1, 1825, aged 59. 
Proctor, Elizabeth, wife of Thorndike. Dec. 15, 1834, aged 65. 
Pulling, Edwaud, attorney-at-law. Dec. 1, 1799, aged 44. 

" Lois, widow of Edward. Nov. 4, 1818 y aged 53. 
Putnam, Dr. Ebenezer. Aug. 12, 1788, aged 70. 

Ramsdell, Huldah, wife of Capt. William. June 8, 1801, aged 35. 

" Allen, son of Win, and Huldah. July 6, 1800, aged 1 y., 
4 m. 

" William, " " " " " May 14, 1801, aged 9. 

" George, " " " " " ' Oct. 23, 1802, aged 2. 
Rand, Mary, widow. Sept. 3, 1819, aged 84. 
Rantoul, Mary, wid. of Capt. Robert. July 17, 1816, aged 61. 

" William, son of Mary. July 7, 1816, aged 22. 
Reed, Elizabeth Holyoke, dau. of Nathan and Elizabeth. July 22, 

1793, aged 2 y., 2 wks. 

i( Mary, wife of Daniel, Jr. Sept. 29, 1796, aged 20 y., 6 m. 
" Paul, of Boothbay. Jan. 21, 1799, aged 64. 
" Henry, son of Benj. and Seaby. Oct. 11, 1810, aged 1 y., 
11 cl. 
I Richardson, Joshua. Feb. 26, 1774, aged 28. 

" Nathaniel. Jan. 25, 1796, aged 54. His death was caused by 
the pressure of a building he was assisting to remove. 
" Betsy, dau. of Nath'l and Eunice, b. Dec. 24, 17S8, d. Dec. 
5, 1789. 
Robinson, Mrs. Hannah. Oct. 12, 1828, aged 80. 
Rogers, John. Nov. 30, 1715, aged 68. 

" Elizabeth, wife of John. Feb. 11, 1713-14, aged 68 y., 5 m. 


RorES, George (son of Joseph and Elizabeth). Oct. 30, 1755, aged' 
28 y., 13 d. 
" George, son of George and Mary. Mar. 28, 1756, aged 6] 

m., 13 d. 
11 Ruth (dau. of David and Ruth). July 25, 1797, aged 28. 
" Daniel (son of Joseph and Eliz'th). Oct. 8, 1821, aged 84. 
" Priscilla, wife of Daniel. Sept. 22, 1808, aged 69. 
Rose, Anna, wid. of Gideon. Jan. 17, 1796, aged 61. 

" Brackley, son of Brackley and Rachel. Apr. 18, 1796, aged j 

9 in. 

" Eliza, dau. " " " " Sept. 19, 1801, aged 

19 m. 
Ross, Mrs. Hannah. Oct. 31, 1812, aged 63. 

Ruck, , dau. (Sam'l jr., and Bethia?). e 26, 1798, 

-5th y. 
Russell, Capt. Edward, b. Weymouth, Eng., 1739, d. Jan. 14, 1815, 
aged 75. 
11 Abigail, wife of Capt. Edward. June 15, 1790, aged 54. 
Ryne, William. Oct. 5, 1826, aged 22. 

Sampson, Joseph. Dec. 6, 1793, aged 38. 

" Eunice, wife of Joseph. Jan. 20, 1789, aged 35. 
Sanders, John. June 9, 1694, aged 53. 

" Hannah, wid. of John. Mar. 18, 1706-7, aged 65. 

" Elizabeth, dau. of John and Hannah. June 26, 1708, aged 
30 y. 
Saul, Sarah, dau. of Thos. and Sarah. Jan. 30, 1816, aged 2 y., 6 
m., 6 d. 

11 Joseph. Aug. 13, 1825, aged 74. 

" Mary, wife of Joseph. Feb. 28, 1845, aged 83. 
Sawyer, Hannah, relict of John. Oct. 9, 1810, aged 59. 
Scollay, Robert, son of John and Elizabeth. Mar. 7, 1732-3, aged 

10 m., 21 d. 

Seldon, Capt. Robert. Sept. 4, 1797, aged 37. 

Capt. Richard. Jan. 29, 1801, aged 48. 
Siiattock, Samuel. June 6, 1G89, aged 69. 

" Hannah, wife of Samuel, Sr. Sept. 14, 1701, aged 77. 

11 Retire (son of Sam'l and Grace, b. Mar. 28, 1664) d. Sept. 

9, 1691, aged 27. 
" Samuel, son of Samuel and Sarah. Dec. 14, 1695, aged 17. 
Simmons, Elizabeth, wid. of Capt. Thomas. Sept. 5, 1804, aged 64. 
Simes (Sims), Richard, son of Richard and Hannah. Oct. 7, 1720, 

aged 6. 
Sims, Hannah (footstone, near Mrs. Hannah L'ang). 


Sims, Sarah, wife of Stephen (flat). July 8, 1767, aged 37. 

Skinner, Miss Betsy. July 7, 1845, aged 54. 

Sleuman, Franklin, son of Andrew and Susan. Oct. 18, 1825, aged 

1 y., 3 m., 8 d. 
Smith, Patience, wife of John and clau. of Sain'l and Hannah Shat- 
tuck, Apr. 1, 1600, aged 23. 
" Thomas, son of Edward. Apr. 11, 1771, aged 4 y., 3 m. 
11 Stephen. Apr. 3, 1815, aged 19. 
C Smothers, Peter. Mar. 1, 1821, aged 60. 
I " Hannah, wife of Peter. Mar. 11, 1844, aged 85. 
Stetson, Emeline, dau. of Prince and Hephzibah S. July 27, 1817, 

aged 2 y., 1 m. 
Stocker, Mary, wife of James. Oct. 22, 1799, aged 26. 
Stone, Sarah, wife of Robert, Sr. Aug. 22, 1708, aged 76. 
11 Robart, junear. June 16, 1688, aged about 26. 
" Hannah, wife of Robert (jr.). Apr. 17, 1691, aged 29. 
" Capt. Benjamin (son of Robert, Sr., and Sarah). Nov. 30, 

1703, aged 37. 
" Robert (son of Robert, jr.). May 20, 1764, aged 76. 
" Elizabeth, wife of Robert. July 14, 1763, aged 75. 
Storey, Sally, dau. of Capt. Alex'r and Sally. June 17, 1782, aged 2 
y., 8 m. 
Elnor, dau. of " " " " Sept. 13, 1794, aged 2. 
" Alexander, son " " " " Dec. 31, 1795, aged 

1 y., 3 m. 
Sumner, Sarah T., wife of Harrison G. Feb. 22, 1839, aged 26. 
Swasey, David. Aug. 26, 1807, aged 24. 

Sweetser, Polly, clau. of Sain'l and Betsy. Oct. 5, 1800, aged 22. 
Swinerton, Dr. John. Jan. 6, 1690, aged 57. 

Hannah, wid. of Dr. John. Dec. 23, 1713, aged 71. 
" Mrs. Mekcy. Nov. 3, 1727, aged 43. 
Symonds, Hannah, wife of Thomas, Jr. Mar. 1, 1736-7, aged 23. 
" Miss Elizabeth. Oct. 13, 1814, aged 86. 
11 Sarah, widow, and eldest child of late Dea. Lewis Hunt 

(widow of Benj. Symonds). Oct. 29, 1832, aged 60. 
" Elizabeth Masury, grandchild of Lewis Hunt. July 22, 
1837, aged 30. 
Taylor, Jona. Augustus, son of Jona. and Margaret. Sept. 12, 1823, 

aged 2 y., 9 m. 
Teague, Sarah, wife of John. Aug. 14, 1767, aged 32. 
TuoMrsoN, Lucy Catherine, dau. of Wm. and Dorothy. Oct. 22, 

1826, aged 22 m. 
Thornton, Charlotte, dau. of John and Charlotte. Jan. 21, 1833, 
aged 3. 


Toppan, Barton and Pickman, tomb. 

Trask, Louisa M., wife of Daniel S. Sept. 12, 1837, aged 31. 
Tucker, John Herbert, son of Capt. John and Sally. Nov. 26, 1795 
aged 3 m., 9 d. 

" Martha, vvid. of Capt. Andrew. Nov. 14, 1850, aged 73. 
Tufts, Ivory. May 15, 1818, aged 41. 

" Betsey, wife of Ivory. Mar. 14, 1S08, aged 32. 

" Ivory, son of " Oct. 14, 1819, aged 20. 

Turner, John. Oct. 9, 1G80, aged 36. 

" Isaac. Aug. 17, 1754, aged 62. 

" John (next stone to Isaac). Dec. 24, 1754, aged 35. 

Vans, Eunice, wife of William. Aug. 25, 1790, aged 60. 
Verin, Hilliard. Dec. 20, 1683, aged 63. 
Very, Abigail, wife of Samuel. Sept. 20, 1792, aged 32. 
" Capt. James. Dec. 24, 1814, aged 50. 
" Polly, wife of Capt. James. Mar. 5, 1804, aged 40. 
" Abigail, 2d wife of Capt. James. May 2, 1838, aged 67. 
Vincent, Joseph, bom Kittery, Me., Mar. 6, 1735, d. Nov. 6, 1832, 
aged 97. 
" Elizabeth, wife of Joseph. Sept. 23, 1795, aged 63. 
" Lydia, wife of Joseph and dau. of Zacariah and Mary 
Nowell, born Newburyport, Sept. 10, 1748, d. Jan. 8, 
" Elizabeth. Oct. 24, 1842, aged 41. 

Matthew, b. Dec. 12, 1764, d. May 24, 1821, aged 56. 
" Sarah, wife of Matthew. Jan. 9, 1811, aged 40. 

Wain wrigiit, Francis (stone flat). May 19, 1699, aged 76. 
Wakefield, Susanna (dau. of Sam'l and Eliz'th). Feb. 7, 1682, aged 

12 d. 
11 John, son of Sam'l and Elizabeth. Mar. 23, 1712, aged 19 

y., 6 m. 
Ward, John. Oct. 7, 1732, aged 79. 

" Dea. Miles. Aug. 13, 1761, aged 92. 

" Sarah, wife of Miles, Sr. Nov. 20, 1728, aged 58. 

" Sarah, dau. of Miles, jr., and Elizabeth. Aug. 10, 1729, 

aged 9 m., 20 d. 
" Abigail, dau. of Miles, jr., and Elizabeth. May 22, 1731, 

aged 5 \v. 
11 Elizabeth, dau. of Miles, jr., and Elizabeth. Apr. 11, 1737, 

aged 7. 
" Eben'r, son of Miles, jr., and Elizabeth, b. and d. Apr. 13, 

1737, aged 8 hours. 


Ward, Anne, dau. of Miles, jr., and Elizabeth. May 2, 1737, aged 1. 

11 Elizabeth, wife of Miles, jr. Apr. 13, 1737, aged 27. 

" Nathaniel, A. M., late Librarian of Harv. Coll. Oet. 12, 
17G8, aged 23. 

11 Joshua, Esq. Dec. 2, 1779, aged 80. 

" Ruth, wid. of Joshua, Esq. June 5, 1787, aged 73. 

" Deborah, wife of Benj. (Sr.). Apr. 6, 1736, aged 35. 

" Benjamin (son of Benj. and Deborah). Aug. 11, 1806, aged 
82 y. 

" Mary, wife of Benjamin. Apr. 30, 1796, aged 73. 

" Elizabeth, wife of (Dea.) Benj. Oct. 17, 1797, aged 59. 
(He was a son of Eben'r, d. June 11, 1812, aged 73.) 

" Mary, 2d wife of Dea Benjamin. Dec. 29, 1810, aged 61. 

" Eben'r (son of Miles). Mar. 3, 1791, aged 80. 

" Rachel, wife of Eben'r. Jan. 7, 1789, aged 71. 

" Samuel, Esq., July 31, 1812, aged 73. 

" Priscilla, wife of Samuel, Esq. June 2, 1822, aged 72. 

" John Dodge, son of Steph. and Abigail, and grandson of 
Sam'l Ward, b. June 6, 1818, d Jan. 16, 1822. 

" Han.vah, dau. of John. Dec. 30, 1795, aged 18. 
Watson, Abraham. July 6, 1790, aged 78. 

" Elizabeth, wid of Abraham. Oct. 11, 1797, aged 85. 
Webb, Peter. Feb. 12, 1717, aged 59. 

" Ruth, wife of Michael. June 24, 1790, aged 22. 

" Miss Priscilla. Mar. 8, 1856, aged 80. 
Welcome, Elizabeth. Oct. 20, 1793, aged 20. 

White, Henry, son of Capt. Henry and Phebe. Sept. 16, 1778, aged 

" John (jr.). Oct. 26, 1792, aged 70. 

" Abigail, wife of John, Jr. Aug. 2, 1776, aged 50. 
Whitford, Rebecca, dau. of Sam'l and Rebecca. Apr. 14, 1744, aged 

Whittemore, Elizabeth, wife of Samuel. Oct. 23, 1799, aged 52. 
Wigings, Joseph. Nov. 4, 1821, aged 77. 

" Mary, wife of Joseph. Aug. 11, 1821, aged 67. 

" RicHARD, son of Jos. and Jane, b. Apr. 4, 1784, d. Sept. 16, 
Willard, Dea. Josiah (son of Dea. Simon). Apr. 7, 1731, near 49. 

" Jane, wife of Dea. Josiah. Apr. 25, 1726, aged 44. 

" Martha, wife of Dea. Simon. Oct. 14, 1721, aged 72. 
Williams, Capt. George, b. Salem, Eeb. 10, 1731, O. S., d. June 12, 

11 Hannah, wife of George. Oct. 30, 1756, aged 26. 

" Capt. Samuel. Oct. 11, 1801, aged 68. 



Williams, Sarah, wid. of Capt. Samuel. Jan. 14, 1814, aged 75. 

11 Capt. Henry. Aug. 17, 1814, aged 70. 

" Abigail, wid. of Capt. Henry. May 4, 1822, aged 72. 
Willoughby, Nehemiah. Nov. 6, 1702, aged 55. 

" Abigail, wife of Nehemiah. Sept. 3, 1702, aged 52. 
Wilson, Wm. Edward, son of Wm. P. and Mary W. July 4, 1839, 

aged 3y., 34 d. 
Wind, John. Oct. 7, 1732, aged 79. 

Winn, Marcia, wife of Capt. Joseph. Oct. 2, 1805, aged 40. 
Woodbridge, Dudley. Oct. 21, 1799, aged 66. 

" Dudley, son of Dudley and Dorcas. Aug. 11, 1771, ag«d 7. 
Wright, Mary. July 27, 1819, aged 67. 
Wyatt, Capt. William. Dec. 9, 1796, aged 71. 

-" Sarah (wife of Wm.) Nov. 18, 1796, aged 70. 





Head Quarters Boston June 8 th 1777. 

As the time Expired on the 7 th Ins.* for which those 
men who Inlisted out of last Regiment had furlows and 
where Indulged to work In the Laboratory, the Adjutant 
is to see that their Acc. ts are made up and presented to 
the Col.° for payment. 

Ordered that the Commission'd Officers, Non Commis- 
sion'd & Matrosses now in Town Appear at the Labor- 
atory to morrow at 10 o Clock A. M. That one 

third of the non Commission'd Officers & Matrosses be 
Drawn out to do Duty at the Laboratory every Day, 
begining at the Hour of 9 o Clock A. M. and 2 o Clock 

ir The present reeord commences with the re-enlistment of the men, June 8th, 
1776, and continues to Nov., 1778, and was officered, viz. : 
Thomas Crafts, Col. 
Paul Revere, Lt. Col. 
Thomas Melville, Maj. 

Increase Newhall, Adj. 
William Russell, Serg. Maj. 
The record is the hand writing of Serg. Maj. Russell, who was afterward ap- 
pointed Adj. during the Rhode Island campaign. 

See 100th Anniversary of the Destruction of the Tea in Boston Harbor. Es. 
Inst. Hist. Coll., vol. xii, No. 3.— J. K. 



That the Commissi Officers make out an immediate 
Return of what Men are Inlisted, & what Number they 
have in Boston. That Roll Call be at the Labora- 
tory at 8 o Clock in the Morning & 7 o Clock in the 

That there be two Subalterns appointed as officers of 
the Day, one first Leiu. 1 and one Second Leiutenant. 

Officers of the Day to Morrow Lieu* White & Lieu 1 


By Order of Col.° Crafts. 
Increase Newhall Adjutant. 

Head Quarters Boston June 13. th 1777. 

That their be a Laboratory Guard Rais'd, to Consist of 
one Serg n one Corporal and Nine Matrosses. 

Centinals One at the Laboratory 
D.° at the Magazine 
D.° at the Granary 
They are to be at the Laboratory at 4 o clock to re- 
ceive their Arms and Accoutriments. 

By Order of Col.° Crafts. 

Head Quarters Boston June 14. th 1777. 

That their be a Regimental Court Marshal held at the 
Laboratory on Tuesday 17 Instant at 9 o clock A. M. for 
the Tryal of such Prisoners as shall be brought before 
them to Consist of the following Officers. 

Cap* Jon. a W. Edes President. 
Cap. 1 Jon. a Stoddard ) ,, . ( Cap* Lieu 1 Iugersol 
Leiu 1 Jno. Hinkley ) ( L. 1 Coolidge 

Cap. 1 Winthrop Gray Judge Advocate. 
Tho. s Crafts Col.° ArtillJ. 


Proceedings of a Regimental Court Martial held at the 
Laboratory for the Tryal of Lieu.* John Lambert, by 
Order Col.° Crafts 17 th June 1777. 

Cap.* Jon. a W. Edes President. 
Cap.* Jon. a Stoddard ) members f Cap.* L.* Ingersol 
L.* Jno. Hinkley j ( Lieu.* Coolidge 

Cap.* Winthrop Gray Judge Advocate. 
Prisoners Crime, for Strikeing & Shamefully abuseing 
Serj.* John Page. 

The Court are of Oppinion the said L.* John Lam- 
bert be Dismissed, as the Complainent did not appear 
to Support the Charge. 

Jon. a W. Edes President. 
I approve of the Oppinion of the Court. 

Tho. 8 Crafts Col.° Artill. y 
The Court is dissolved. 

Head Quarters Boston June 18. th 1777. 

That three Matrosses be added to the Quarter Guard 
& that a Centinal be planted at the Colonel's Door. 

Tho. s Crafts Col. ArtillJ. 
Orders for the Centinal at the Colonel's. 
He is not to hail any person passing the Streete except 
i they have Fire Arms, nor to Stop any Person going into 
the House till after it appears to be shut up in the Eve- 

Head Quarters June 20.* h 1777. 
I Orderd. 

That if any Non Commissioned Officer, Fifer, Drum- 
mer, or Matross, shall Dispose of his or their Blanket, 
shall be severely punished by a Regimental Court Mar- 
tial, and the Cap.* of each Companey, is ordered to In- 
spect their Comp. ys Arms, Blankets, and Accoutriments, 


every Wednesd. y , and if any Blankets are Missing to 
Confine the Delinquent, and stop as much out of his or 
their pay, as will procure a New Blanket. 

The Commissioned Officers are to be very punctual, 
and particular as to this part of duty as the Col.° is 
Determined not to put up with any Neglect. 

The Commissioned Officers of Each Company are to 
see that all the men off duty P^xercise the Cannon for two 
Hours in the Afternoon, three times a Week on Monday, 
Wednesday and Fiyday. 

The Serjeants of Each Company are to Exercise the 
Men with small Arms on the same Days for one hour, 
to begin at Six o Clock in the Morn. g . 

By Order Col.° Crafts 
Increase Newhall Adju.* 

Head Quarters Boston June 22. d 1777. 

That the Hour for Roll Call be alter'd to Nine o Clock 
in the Morning. 

That two Serjeants, 2 Corporals, 3 Bom. drs , 4 Gun- 
ners, and 3 Matrosses be draughted Daly for duty at 
the Laboratory, who are to Continue their from Nine 
o Clock till 12 o Clock A. M. and from 2 o Clock till 
Roll call at 7 o Clock P, M. 

That the Non Commission'd Officers, Drums Fifes, 
and Matrosses, attend punctually at Roll Call, the Col.° 
being Determin'd to punish any that Neglect it. 

That the Serjeants be very particular that their Morn- 
ing Reports arc strictly Just and True. 

The Adjutant is ordered not to receive any Morning 
Reports from the Serjeants without they are sign'd by 
one of the Commission'd Officers. 

The Adjutant will send an Orderly Serjeant to the 


Col.° at the Morn.* Roll Call drest Clean and Neat, if he 
has Uniform, to be Powder'd. 

That the Commission^ Officers of Each Company make 
out a Return of the Age, Names, Stature, Complection 
and former places of abode, of the men in their respec- 
tive Companeys, as soon as may be, and report them to 
the Major ; who is to make a Return of them to the 

And the Commissioned Officers are ordered to keep a 
description Role, and any that are Inlisted here after, as 
soon as they have pass'd muster are to be recorded 

That if any Officer or Matross is absent from any 
Guard without leave first obtain'd from the Commanding 
Officer of the Guard he is to be immediately Confined. 

Tho. s Crafts Col.° ArtillJ. 

Head Quarters Boston 27 th June 1777. 

That Cap* Edes, Cap.* L.* Ingersoll, L.< White, L. fc 
Revere and Grant four Serj. t3 , 48 men with as many 
Drums and Fifes as Can be procured hold themselves in 
Readiness to be Embodied at a Moment's Warning & 
March to One of the Ferry's in this Town to receive a 
Number of Hession Prisoners who are soon Expected 
to Arrive here, they are to be Dress'd Clean and Pow- 
der'd, and as many as Possible in Regimentals, they are 
to be Turn'd out every Day to learn the Manual Exercise 
and Movements. 

Tho. 8 Crafts Col.° ArtillJ. 

Leiu* Hinkley. July 27 th , 1777. 

You are ordered to hold your detachment in readiness 


to Erabarque for Castle Island on Saturday 28 th Instant. 

You will see that the Barracks are Clean and 

every thing in the best Order. You will be releived 
by a Comp. y from Col.° Jackson's Reg. 1 on Saturday 28 th 

Instant, as soon as mav be in the Morning. You 

will have your men in true sperit of Decipline. 

I have ordered L.* Lambert to send one flat bottom 
boat to Dorchester point for you to transport your men 

to Castle Island. When you deliver the Keys of 

the Magazine to Col. Jackson, you will use the follow- 
ing Expression. 

Sir. By Virtue of orders from Col. Crafts, I deliver 
to you the Command of the Forts at Dorchester point 
and Hights, and present you with the Ke} r s of the Mag- 
azine. Quarter Master will let Lieu.* Hinkley have 

his Choice of the Barracks upon the Hill at the Castle 

Island. 1 shall send an Officer of my Reg.* to take 

Col.° Jackson's Receipt for the Ordinance and Millitary 

stores. You are not to be relieved till he has re- 

ceiv'd the said Receipt. 

By Order Col.° Tho. s Crafts. 

Lieu* Lambert. 27 th July 1777. 


You are order'd to hold your self in readiness to 
Embarque for Nodles Island with your Detachment and 
their take the Command, you are to be relieved by 
Lieu* Hinkley from Dorchester Hights on Saturday 28 th 

You are directed to apply to Col. Burbeck for one 
flat Bottom boat which you are to send over to Dor- 
chester point for Lieu.* Hinkley to transport his Men to 

Castle Island. You are to have your Barracks all 

Clean'd, and your Men paraded so as to be relieved in 


proper Military manner. You are to Deliver up the 

Castle to Lieu. 1 Hinkley, in words following. 

Sir. By Virtue of Orders from Col.° Crafts, I de- 
liver to You the Command of the Castle and I present 
you with the Keys of the Magazine. 

By Order Col.° Crafts. 

Head Quarters Boston July l. st 1777. 

That all Commission'd, Non Commis' d Officers and 
Matrosses uppon hearing an alarm beat round the town, 
shall immediately repair to the parade with their Arms 
& Accoutriments and not leave it till Discharg'd by 
the Command. 8 Officer. 

By Order Col.° P. Kevere. 

Head Quarters Boston July l. st 1777. 

That Cap.* Balch, Cap.* Lieu.* Minzies, Lieu.* M c Clure, 
Armstrong, & Metcalf, Cap.* Gray, Scolly, Audeburt, 
and Prince, hold themselves iu Readiness to March into 
Congress Street on friday at 12 o Clock, That they Pre- 
pare two four Pound Brass Cannon with thirteen Rounds 
of Powder. 

That Leiutenant Bell, Moors & Hart, hold themselves 
in Readiness to go to the Castle with Thirteen Rounds 
of Powder and every other Utensail for Quick firing. 

The Major will Report all Commission'd Officers who 
do not attend Exerciseing. 

The Adjutant is Ordered to Confine every Serjeant, 
Corporal, Bombardier, Gunner, & Matross, who does 
not appear at Exercising, when Warn'd without they 
give a Sufficient Excuse. 

By Order of Col.° Paul Revere. 


Head Quarters Boston 2 d July, 1777. 

Order'd. Signals for the Castle. 

That when they shall Discover three Coulors hoisted! 
at one time at Nantasket and one or more Guns fixed, 
they are immediately, to hoist the same Signals and 
fire three Guns, with their Muzzels pointed to the Town, 
their Centinals are to keep a Strict look out for alii 
Signals from Nantasket, that they may be immediately 
answe'd, If they Hoist a Flagg, Pendant or Jack, the 
Castle is f do the same. 

Paul Revere L.* Col.° ArtillJ. 

Head Quarters Boston July 3. d . 1777. 

As it is of the last importance that Centries should 
be alert in their Duty, & watchfull on their Posts, and 
as most of the misfortunes we have met with in the 
war having ben in Great measure owing to the Neglect 
and inattention of Centinals and as Complaint has been 
made to me that several Centries of the Reg. 1 under my 
Command have been found sleeping in their Boxes and 
often sitting down, it is therefore absolutely Necessary 
they should be taught their Duty in the strictest Rule of 
Disapline as much as if their was the fullest Expectation 
of an immediate Attack, I hereby declare that I will not 
in future pardon any Centinal that is found Sleeping on 
his Post, and Order every Commissi and Non Commissi 
Officer to Confine any Centinal they may find Sleeping, 
or setting talking or Whistling on his Post, and as Tho. 3 
Cleverly has been Confin'd for Sleeping on his Post, and 
is this Day releived, I have pardon'd him in Consideration 
of its being the first time, with a Determination not to 
Pass over any Breach of the above Orders in future. 

Tho. 8 Crafts Col.° Artill. y 


Head Quarters Boston July 3. d 1777. 

The General Court of this State having thought proper 
to give Orders that the Anniversary of the Declaration 
of Independency should be Celebrated in this Town to 
Morrow by the firipg of Canon &c. 

That Cap.* Balch, Cap.* L.* Menzeis L.* M c Clure, 
Armstrong & Metcalf, three Serj. ts two Corporals and 
Thirty Six men with (two Pieces of Brass 4 P. r Cannon) 
hold themselves in Readiness to March into Congress 
Street to fire a Grand Salute of 13 Rounds. 

That all the Commissi non Commission'd Officers and 
Matrosses be dress'd Clean and in their uniform and 
Powder'd to Morrow. 

That all the Drums and Fifes appear Dress'd clean 
and Powder'd. 

That Cap.* L.* Ingersol and Lieut. Audeburt, with 
one Serjeant, one Corporal & 10 Matrosses March to 
Fort Hill and fire a Grand Salute of 13 Rounds. 

By Order Col.° Tho. s Crafts. 

Head Quarters Boston July 3. d 1777. 

For the Centinal at Workhouse Gate planted over 
the Hessians : you are not to permit any Person to go 
into s. d Yard, or any of said Hessians to Come out 
without M. r Robert Pierpoint Esq/ Commissi of Pris- 
oners being present, or his Order in Writing. 

N. B. The Overseers of the Poor is to pass in and out. 

P. r Order Col.° Crafts. 

Head Quarters Boston July 5. th 1777. 

That Cap.* Stoddard with his Detachment hold them- 


selves in readiness to Embarque on Monday 7 th Instant 
for Castle Island to join L. 1 Hinkley from thence Em-| 
barque for Dorchester on Tuesday Morning at 6 o Clock] 
A. M. to March from thence by Land to Boston, so as 
to be in the Common by 12 o Clock with Arms and | 
Accoutriments Compleat. 

You will see that the Barracks Occupied by your rnenj 

are swept out Clean. You will have the Boat you 

receiv'd safely deliver'd to me at Boston all other matters 
I leave to your prudence and Care. 

By Order Col.° T. Crafts. 

Head Quarters Boston July 5. th 1777. 

That Leiu.* Hinkley with the Detachment under his | 
Command hold themselves in readiness to Embarque for 
Dorchester point on Tuesday the 8 th Instant at 6 o Clock 
A. M. to March from thence by land to Boston, so as to | 
be in the Common by 12 o Clock with Arms and Accout- [ 
riments Compleat. 

You will see that the Barracks occupied by your Men 
are swept out Clean and left in good Order. 

You will make me a Return of what Ordnance stores 
have been expended since you Commanded at the Castle 

Island. You will have the Boat you Received safely 

Deliver'd to me at Boston, the prospective Glass to my 

Brother or Cap.* Bell. All other matters I leave to 

your prudence and Discretion. 

By Order Col. T. Crafts. 

Head Quarters Boston July 5. th 1777. 

That Lieu. 1 Lambert with the Detachment under his 

Command hold themselves in Readiness to Embarque for 


Boston on Tuesday Morning, the 8. th Instant by 9 o Clock 
A. M. to be in the Common in Boston by 11 o Clock 

with Arms and Accoutriments Compleat. You will 

see that the Barracks occupied by your Men are swept 
Clean.- You will make me a Return of what Ord- 
nance Stores have been Expended since you Commanded 

their, and also by Serjeant Chamberlain. You will 

have the Boat you Received for Castle Island, & that 
which Serj.* Chamberlain Received for Nodles Island, 
safely Deliver to me at Boston, all other matters I leave 
to your prudence and Discretion. 

By Order Col.° T. Crafts. 

Head Quarters Boston July 6. th 1777. 

That Lieu.* Marston with one Serj.* one Corporal one 
Bombardier, and four Gunn. rs five Matrosses, hold them- 
selves in Readiness to Embarque to morrow Morning for 

That Lieu.* Prince with one Serj.* one Corp. 1 one 
i| Bombardier and five Matrosses hold themselves in Read- 
i iness to Embarque to morrow Morning for Castle Island. 
That Serjeant Phillips with one Corporal, one Bombar- 
dier, four Gunners and five Matrosses hold themselves in 
Readiness to Embarque to Morrow Morning for Nodles 

By Order Col. T. Crafts. 

Head Quarters Boston July 9. th 1777. 
Lieu.* Prince 

You are ordered not to suffer any Deck'd Vessel to go 
to Sea, without sending their pass to the Castle to be 
lodg'd with you, You are to hale all Vessels passing or 

Repassing. You will appoint a Capable person for 

y e purpose. 


Should a Flagg of Truce appear you are by no mean' 
to let her Come up, she is to be stop'd and you are t( 
send Immediate Account to me. 

You will be carefull to Distinguish between fishim! 
and other small boats, who usually go up and Dowi 
without let or Molestation. 

You are to draw your Provision of M r . Salsbury. 

You will make out an Exact Return of all Ordnance 
& Stores and make a return to me as soon as possible. 

You will be very attentive to all Signals at Hull. 

agreeable to the Orders you receiv'd. You will see 

that proper respect is paid to the Committee of Fortifi- 
cation. You will do every thing in your power to 

Cultivate peace and harmony on the Island. You| 1 

will turn your Men out Early in the Morning, and keep 
them regular to roll call. 

You will Exercise the Cannon at least once a Day and] 

the small Arms twice a Week. All other matters 

I leave to your Discretion. 

Signed T. Crafts Col.° Artill. 7. 

Head Quarters Boston July 11. th 1777. 

That a Gen. 1 Court Martial be held at the Laboratory 
to morrow the 12 th Instant at 9 o Clock A. M. for the 
Tryal of Job Weeden of Cap.* Balche's Comp. y to Con- 
sist of the folio wins: 

Cap. 1 Balch 
Cap. 1 Gray 
Cap. 1 Marett 
Cap. 1 Phillips 
Cap. 1 Lincoln 
Cap.* L. 1 Martin 


Tho.*Melvill ^P-;Gill 
T? -d . -, , , Cap/ Braclle 
Esq. President^ l 

Cap. 1 S col ley 

Cap. 4 L.* Meinzeis 

Cap.* L.* Warner 


Judge Advocate Leiu. 4 White 

By Order Col.° Tho. s Crafts. 


July 12. th 1777. 
Proceedings of a Gen. 1 Court Martial held at the Lab- 
oratory in the Reg.* of Artill. y Commanded by Col. 
Crafts, by order of the Col.° for the Tryal of Job Wee- 
den Serj.* in Cap. 1 Balches Comp. y in s. ( 

President Maj. r Tho. 8 Melvill. 


Cap.* Balch 
Cap. 1 Gray 
Cap.* Marett 
Cap. fc Bradlee 
Cap. 1 L.* Scolly 
Cap.* L.* Warner 

^Members < 

Cap.* Edes 
Cap.* Gill 
Cap.* Phillips 
Cap.* Lincoln 
Cap.* L.* Meinzies 
Cap.* L.* Martin 

Judge Advo.* Leiu* White 
Prisoners Crime Desertion. 

Pleads not Guilty. 

Col. Revere's evidence, Did not appear to him that he 
went away Designedly, that from what M. r Sternes said 
he was forc'd away. 

M. r Greenleaf, Constable, says he was very unwilling 
to go away was afraid of being taken up as a Deserter, 
does not appear to him he had any Intention of Deser- 
tion, and that M. r Stearns said he should go with him 
and stay the time out, or lay in Goal. 

M. r Greenleaf further says that it appears to him that 
Weeden went with as much reluctance as Ames went to 
the Gallows. 

Kenedy, Deposeth that he was unwilling to go, but 
M. r Stearns told him he should go, wether he would 
or not, that he Claimed a Pen and Ink and would sett 
up all Night to Write to y e Col. and would write Every 

Signed & Attested Benj. a White, Judge Advocate. 

The Court having duly Considered the Evidence are 


of OppinioB that the Prisoner is not Guilty of the Crime I 
laid to his Charge, and that his leaving the Camp was 
Contrary to his Inclination, and intirely owing to his; 
fear of a goal in which he was threatned by Stearns he! 
should take up his Residence, If he did not go immedi- 
ately with him to Worcester, and that said Stearns is 
answerable for the Consequences. 

Sign'd Tho. s Melvill, president. 
The Col.° approves of y e above Determination of the 
Court & orders y e Prisoner to be Discharg'd. 

Head Quarters Boston July 12. th 1777. 

Having been Informed by Authority that their is to I 
be a Meeting of the Inhabitants of this Town this Day j 
at Copps Hill on business which Immediately Concerns \ 
their own Internal police. 

Therefore Order'd That no Commission'd, Staff, or non 
Commission'd Officer, Drum, Fife, or Matross appear [I 
on s d . Hill, or Join in any parade, that may be made I 
by the Inhabitants from any part of the Town. As I 
it would be highly Improper for the Military to Join I 
with or interfere in this matter which I apprehend is I 
totaly out of the line of their Duty. 

By Order Col.° T. Crafts. 

Head Quarters Boston July 13. th 1777. 

That the Centinal be taken off from Doct. r Bylcs's 
to morrow Morning, That the Laboratory Guard be re- 
duced to 15 exclusive of one Commission'd Officer one 
Serjeant and one Corporal. 

As it is of the last importance that every preperation 
should be made to repell and Defeat the Enemy should 


they attemp to Invade this state. Therefore, Order'd, 
that all the subalterns of Duty the uon- Commissioned 
Officers and matrosses attend at the Laboratory from 
Roll Call in the Morning till 12 o'Clock, and from 3 
o'Clock till Roll Call in the Afternoon to Compleat the 
Cannon with the Necessary Apparatus of Cartridges, &c. 
That the Court Martial held Yesterday be Disolved. 

By Order Col. T. Crafts. 

Head Quarters Boston July 19. th 1777. 

That on an Alarm Col.° Revere Immediately pro- 
ceed to Castle Island with the following Comp. ys Cap. 1 

Edes, Cap. 1 Marett & Cap. 1 Phillips. Major Melvill 

with the Cap. ts Gray and Todd for Gov. rs Island. 

Cap.* Balch for Dorchester Hights Cap.* Bradlee for 

Nodles Island Cap. 1 Gill & Lincoln for fort Hill, to 

be Disposed of as occasion may Require. 

Head Quarters Boston July 27. th 1777. 
Guards as Usual. 

A Number of Persons being now sick with the small 
pox at the Provincial Hospital at West Boston in this 

town, it beinor Dangerous to Continue in the Barracks 

7 © © 

now occupied by the Reg.* 

Order'd that all the Non Commissioned Officers and 
Matrosses encamp in the Common in Tents On Monday 
Morning 28. th Instant, and that no one Lodge out of 
Camp without permission of their Captain. 

T. Crafts Col.° ArtillJ 

Head Quarters Boston July 27. th 1777. 

That their be a General Court Martial held at the 



Laboratory to Morrow Morning 9 o'clock for the Trial 
of such prisoner or prisoners as may be brought before 
them, to Consist of the following Officers. 
Major Tho. s Melvill President. 

Cap.* Edes 
Cap.* Marett 
Cap.* dishing 
Cap. 1 L.* Ingersol 
Cap.* L.* Navro 
L.* Revere 


Cap.* Gill 
Cap.* Todd 
Cap.* Phillips 
Cap.* L.* Scolby 
Cap.* L.* Warner 
L.* Grant 


Judge Advocate Cap.* Gray 

By Order T. Crafts Col.° Artill.* 
Proceedings of a Gen. 1 Court Martial held in the 
of ArtillJ Comm. d by Col.° Thomas Crafts by 
Order of the Col. for the Trial of John Gowen, Matross 
in Cap.* Phillips's Comp. y in s. d Reg.* Boston July 28. th 

President, Major Tho. 
Cap.* Edes 

,* Marett 
* dishing 



Cap.* L.* Ingersol 

Cap.* L.* Nazro 

Lieut.* Revere 


3 Melvill. 
Cap.* Gill 
Cap.* Todd 
Cap.* Phillips 
Cap.* L.* Scolly 
Cap.* L.* Warner 
Lieu.* Grant 

Judge Advocate Cap.* Gray. 
Prisoner's Crime Sleeping on his Post. 
Pleads Guilty. 
The Court after duly considering the Natur of y e Crime, 
and y e Prisoners Defence thereon are of Oppinion, that 
ihe is Guilty of a Breach of y e 24 th Article of War, & do 
sentence him to Receive Thirty-Nine Lashes on his Naked 
Back with a Catt-of-Nine tales ; the Court Considering the 
Prisoner's Youth and inexperiance do recommend him to 
y e Mercy of y e Colonel. 

Tho. s Melvill, president. 


I approve of y e Sentence and order it to be put in Exe- 
cution to Morrow Morning immediately after Roll Call, 
and Order that the Court be Disolved. 

Tho. 8 Crafts Col.° Art J 

Head Quarters Boston July 29. th 1777. 

In consideration of the Age & unexperience of the 
Prisoner John Go wen, and y e Recommendation of y e 
Court, the Col. pardons him with a fixt determination, 
as this has been the Second time he has been Under 
Guard not to Pardon him again. 

Head Quarters Boston July 31. st 1777. 
Orders for Hull. 

Sir ; should you make any discovery of y e Enemy 
in y e Night, You will give y e Alarm by firing one Can- 
non, then 3 Rockets successively, Waiting ten Minutes ; 
then Report y e fireing as above, (keeping reapeating) till 
you are Answered from y e Castle. 

You will send up a Return of the Ordnance and Ord- 
nance Stores immediately^ and a List of Men's Names, 
who went down with you, belonging to y e Militia. 

Orders for y e Castle. 

Should you hear a Cannon fired in the Night, and 
see Rocketts fired at Hull, You are immediately to Fire 
one Cannon towards y e Town, and then three Rocketts 
successively, then wait ten Minutes and repeat as above 
till you are Answ. d from Fort Hill, Boston. 

Head Quarters Boston Aug. 1 l. st 1777. 

That Cap.* Phillips with his Companey hold them- 
selves in readiness to Embarque for Castle Island at 3 
o Clock this afternoon. 


That Cap.* Edes and Marett hold themselves in readi- 
ness to Embarque for Castle Island at a Moments Warn- 

By Order of T. Crafts Col. ArtillJ 

Head Quarters Boston Aug.* l. st 1777. 

That Cap.* Gushing immediately upon rec* hereof 
Transport from Hull the Eighteen Pounder with its trav- 

iling Carridge to some part of y e Main at Brantree. 

Also that he Mount the Twenty four Pounder upon a 
Traviling Carridge now at Hull and transport it to y e 
same place as soon as may be. 

By Order Col. T. Crafts, Esq. 

Head Boston Aug.* l. st 1777. 

That one Second Lieutenant from each companey, with 
all the Non Commissioned Officers and Matrosses Lodge 
in y e Tents this Night, that none presume to be out of 
Camp after 9 oClock. 

By Order T. Crafts, Esq. 

Head Quarters Boston Aug.* 3. d 1777. 

That a Regimental Court Martial be held at y e Labor- 
atory to Morrow at 10 oClock for y e Tiyal of such 
Prisoners as shall be brought before them. 

Cap.* Todd, President. 

Cap.* Lieu.* Meinzies 
Lieu.* Bell 

Lieu.* White 
Lieu.* Moor 

Judge Advocate Lieu.* Audeburt. 

By Order Col.° T. Crafts, Esq. r 


Proceedings of a Regimental Court Martial held in the 
Regiment of Artill. y Commanded by Col. Tho. 8 Crafts, 
by "Order the Col. 

Boston Aug.* 4. th 1777. 

Cap.* Lieu.* Meinzies 
Lieu. 1 White 

President Cap.* Todd. 

Lieu. 4 Bell 
Lieu.* Moo res 

Judge Advocate Lieu.* Audeburt. 
Prisoners Names. 
Edmond Morse, Emanuel Thomas. 
Corporal Edmond Morse for leaving Guard, pleads 

Emanuel Thomas for fighting and indangering the lives 
of his fellow Soldiers 

Pleads not Guilty. 
The Court after having duly Considered the Crimes and 
Evidences for and against the Prisoner are of Oppinion 
that Edmond Morse be reduced to the Ranks for One 
Month therein to Do Duty as a Matross. 

And as no Evidence has Appeared against Emanuel 
Thomas, the Court are of Oppinion that he be Dismissed. 

Will ra Todd President. 
I approve of the Sentence of the Court on Corp. 1 
Edmond Morse, and Order it to be put in Execution 
i immediately. 

As the Evidence from Hull were Not sumonsd the 
! prisoner Emanuel Tho. s May be Discharg'd from being 
i under Guard till further Orders. 

By Order of T. Crafts Col. Art J 
I Ordered 

That the Court be Disolved. 


Head Quarters Boston Aug. 1 3. d 1777. 

Orders for the Centiuel at the Workhouse gate planted 
over the Hessians. 

You are not to permitt any person to go into said yard, 
or any of said Hessians to come out without Mr. Robert 
Pierpont, Esq/ Commissary of prisoners, being present, 
or his order in writing. 

N. B. The Overseers of the poor are to go in and 

Per Order Col.* Thos. Crafts. 

[To be continued.]. 



No. 3. 


An agreement between John Brown for himself & 
Nicholas & John Bulhack, of Jarse}', Merch ts . with Wil- 
liam Stevens of Gloster in N. E. Shipwright, to build 
one New Ship : 

"68 foot long by y e keele, & 23 foot broad from out- 
side to outside, & 9 & i feet in hold under y e beame, 
with two decks, forecastle, quarter deck and round house, 
y e deck from y e mainmast to y e forecastle, to be 5 foot 
high, with a fale at the forecastle 15 inches, and at y e 
mainmast to y e quarter deck of 6 inches ; the great Cabbin 
to be 6 foot high, & the said Stevens is to find timber & 
plank tyunnels, pitch & tarr & ocum, & to finish y e hull & 
launch said vessel by y e last of July 1662, & the s d Mr. 
Brown & Company is to find all Ironworks, carved work 
& joiners in time soe y* y e work be not hindered." 

In consideration whereof y e said Brown for himself & 
Company agrees to pay the s d Stevens the just sum of 
3£ 5s for every tunne of y e s d ship's burthen in such kind 
& manner as followeth. That is to say £50 in hand in 

x The annexed contract for the building of a ship, during the earliest period of 
our Colonial settlement, may be of interest at the present time, as tending to illus- 
trate the style, and proportions of the naval architecture of that early period. 



good goods, at Mr. Brown's, Mr. Corwin's, or Mr. Price's 
of Salem, or other ways to content, & 150 £ in good 
Muscavadus Sugar at 2 pence by the pound, at Bardadus, 
& 100 £ in good New English money, & 2000 wt. of 
halfe white and half black ocum at 18s. p. c. & 1500 wt. 
rossin at 14s. p. c. & 700 wt. of iron in bolts and spikes 
at 5d. pr. lb. of such several sizes, acording to direction 
given, & 50 £ of new roape at 3 £ p. 100, in such sizes 
as p. advice given, and y e rest to be p d in goods as y e s d 
Mr. Brown doe sell at wholesale price, & for y e true per- 
formance of y e premises y e s d John Browne & William 
Stevens doe bynde themselves & their assigns joyntly & 
severally, each to other in 200 pounds bond, in witness 
whereof the parties above mentioned sett there hands & 
seales to three covenants all of this date y e one being ac- 
complished y e other two are voyde. 

Signed, sealed & delivered this 6th day of June in the 
yeare of our Lord 1661. 

In presence of J. Browne 

Hillyard Veren William Stevens" 

John Gedney 

The following affidavits made w ih jperipetuam" have 
handed down to us through our County Records two im- 
portant historical facts, viz. : 

1st. Relating to the "Old Planters" who had located 
in Naumkeag prior to the arrival of End'cott. 

2d. Relating to the falsity of the "Mason Claim," so 
called ; which created much uneasiness in the minds of 
some of our early settlers in relation to their land titles ; 
which Claim proved to have no foundation in fact, and 
was finally declared worthless at the beginning of the 
17th century. 


"Humphrey Woodbury of Beverly, in New England, 
aged about 72 years testifieth, that when I lived in 
Somersetshire in England, that I remember that my 
father, John Woodbury, since deceased, did about 56 
years ago remove to New E. and I there travelled with 
him as far as Dorchester, and I understood that my s d 
father came to N. E. by order of a company called Dor- 
chester company, among whom Mr. White (Rev.) of 
Dorchester, in England, was an active instrument; and 
that my father & the Co. with him brought cattle & other 
things with him to Cape Ann for plantation work & there 
built an house & kept their cattle & sett up fishing & 
afterwards, removed to a neck of land since called Salem. 

After about 3 years abscence my s d father returned to 
England & made us acquainted with what settlement thev 
had made in N. E. & that he was sent back by some that 
intended to settle a plantation about 3 leagues west of 
Cape Ann. To further this designe after about £ a year's 
stay in England my father returned to N. E. and brought 
me with him. We arrived at the place now called Salem 
in or about the month of June, 1628, where we found 
several persons that said they were servants to y e Dor- 
chester Co., and had built another house for them at 
Salem besides that at Cape Ann ; the latter part of that 
summer 1628, John Endicott, Esq. came over Governor; 
declaring his power from a company of patentees in or 
about London, & that they had bought the houses, boates 
& servants wich belonged to y e Dorchester Co. & that y e 
s d Endicott had power to receive y m wich accordingly he 
did take possession of; when we settled the Indians never 
then molested us, in our improvements, or sitting downe 
either in Salem or Beverly sides of the ferry, but shewed 
themselves very glad of our company & came* '& planted 
by us & often times came to us for shelter, saying they 


were afraid of theire enemy Indians up in the country, 
& wee did shelter them when they fled to us, & we had 
theire free leave to build & plant where wee have taken 
up lands. The same yeare or the next after we came to 
Salem we cut ha}' for the cattle we brought over on y e 
side of the ferry now called Beverly, & have kept our 
possession there ever since by cutting hay or thatch or 
timber & boards, and by laying lotts for tillage & then 
by peoples planting, & sometime after building & plant- 
ing here, where I with others have lived about 40 yeares, 
in all of this time of my living in N. E. I never heard 
that Mr. Mason tooke possession heare, disturbed estate 
upon, or laid any claim to this place of ours, save the 
discourses of a claim within a yeare or two. 

The testimony within writen was taken under oath this 
16 th of Feb., 1680. 

Before us, 

William Browne, 
Bartholemew Gedney, 

(B. 5, p. 498.) 

"Kichard Brackenbury of Beverly, in y e County of 
Essex in New England, aged 80 yeares, testifieth that he 
came to N. E. with John Endicott Esq. late Gov. of New 
England, Deceased, & that we came ashore at a place 
now called Salem, the 6 th of Sept. 1628, 52 years ago; 
at Salem wee found living old Goodman Norman, & his 
sonn, William Allen, & Walter Knight, & others; these 
owned that they come over upon the acount of a com- 
pany of England, called by us by the name of Dorches- 
ter Company, or Dorchester marchants. They had sun- 
dry houses built at Salem, as alsoe John Woodbury, Mr. 


Conant, Peter Pal fray, John Balch & others, they de- 
clared they had an house built at Cape Ann for y e Dor- 
chester Co. ; & I having waited upon Mr. Endicott when 
he attended the "Co of Massts." pattentees, when they 
kept their Court in Cornwell Street in London. I having 
understood that this Co. in London, having bought out y e 
right of the Dorchester Marchants in N. E. & that Mr. 
Endicott had power to take possesion of their right in 
N. E. which Mr. Endicott did, & in particular of an house 
built at Cape Ann, which Walter Knight & the rest said 
they built for Dorchester men, and soe I was sent with 
them to Cape Ann to pull downe y e s d house for Mr. Endi- 
cott's use, thee which wee did ; & the same yeare wee came 
over acording to my best remembrance, it was that wee 
took possession on the north side of Salem ferry, com- 
monly called Cape Ann side, by cutting thatch for our 
houses, & soon after laid out lotts for our tillage land on 
y e Cape Ann side, & I myselfe have lived there now for 
about 40 years, & I with sundry others have been subdu- 
ing the wildnerness & improving the fields & commons 
there as a part of Salem while wee belonged to it & since 
as inhabitants of Beverly for these 50 years, & never y* I 
heard of being disturbed in our possessions either by the 
Indians or others save in our late unhappy war with the 
heathen, neither have I heard by myselfe, or any other 
inhabitants with us, for the space of these fifty years y* 
Mr. Mason, or any, by, from, or under him, did take any 
possession or lay any claime to any lands heare, save now 
in this last claime within this yeare or two. 

Eichard Brackenbury made oath to y e truth of y e above 
writen, this 20 th day of January, 1680, before me, 

Bartholemew Gedney, Assist. 

in the Colony of Massachusetts." 

(B. 5, p. 497.) 


"William Dixey of Beverly in New England aged 
about 73 years, testifieth that I arrived at Cape Ann in 
June, 1629, where wee found the signs of plantation work 
& saw wee English people, soe wee sailed to this place 
now called Salem, where wee found Mr. John Endicott, 
Governor & sundry inhabitants besides some of whome 
said they had been servants to Dorchester Co. & had 
built at Cape Ann sundry years before wee came over ; 
when wee came to dwell here, the Indians bid us welcome 
& shewed themselves very glad that wee came to dwell 
among them, & I understood that they kindly entertained 
the English that came here before wee came, & the Indi- 
ans & the English had a field in comon fenced in together, 
& the Indians fled to shelter themselves under the English 
oft times saying they were afraid of theire enemy Indians 
in the country : in particular I remember sometime after 
wee arrived the Agawam Indians complained to Mr. En- 
dicott that they were afraid of other Indians called as I 
take it Tarrateens ; Hugh Browne was sent with others 
in a boat to Agawam for the Indians reliefe & at other 
times we gave our neighbour Indians protection from 
their enemy Indians. 

Taken upon oath this 16 day of Feb., 1680. 
William Browne, 
Bartholemew Gedney, 


"Essex ss. Anno Regni Regis Georgii Tertii 

Magna) Britannia, Franciae et Hibernine Decimo Quarto. 

At his Majesty's Court of General Sessions of the 
Peace begun & held at Salem within & for the County of 
Essex on the second Tuesday of July, being the twelfth 
day of the same month, Annoque Dominii, 1774. 


Ordered, by this Court, & the Inferiour Court of 
Common Pleas, now sitting in Salem, that the following 
Address be presented to his Excellency Thomas Gage, 
Esq., Capt. General & Governor, &c, over his Majestie's 
Province of the Massachusetts Bay, Viz 1 . 

f To His Excellency Thomas Gage, Esq., Captain Gene- 
ral and Governor in Chief in and over His Majestie's 
Province of the Massachusetts Bay and Vice Admiral of 
the same, Lieutenant General and Commander in Chief 
of His Majestie's Forces in North America. 

May it please your Excellency. 

We, his Majestie's Justices of the Court of General 
Sessions of the Peace, and of the Inferiour Court of 
Common Pleas for the County of Essex, being convened 
for the Public Discharge of the duties of our Respective 
Departments, embrace the first opportunity unitedly to 
testify our Loyalty to the King, by paying our most 
dutiful Respects to His Representative. His Majesty has 
been pleased to committ the Government of this Province 
to your Excellency at a time of General Distress when 
the Storms of Faction, and the Boilings of Party Rage 
require the efforts of the ablest Pilot to save its sinking 
Constitution. We congratulate your Excellency, and 
the Province upon this appointment, and upon your safe 
arrival at the seat of Government. 

As Common Fame has already highly prepossessed our 
Minds in favor of your Excellency's Benignity, Candor 
Moderation & Ability permit us Sir to hope under your 
| wise and Impartial Administration for the restoration of 
| the Province to that state of Domestic Peace, and Har- 
mony which has been for some years past interrupted by 
Feuds and Discord, to a happy Reunion, both in Interest 
and Inclination with the Parent Kingdom ; to the free 


Enjoyment and Exercise of its Rights and Privileges ; 
and to the Favorable regards of our Gracious Sovereign. 

We assure your Excellency that we will Endeavour j 
both collectively, and as Individuals, honored with his! 
Majesty's Commission to encourage and promote that 
good order and observance of the Laws which with but 
few Exceptions, has hitherto been maintain'd througout 
this Country : and We take this Opportunity to bear our 
Testimony against lawless Riots which render the En- 
joyment of Property, and even Life itself precarious ; 
against all such unwarrantable and compulsive measures 
for the Security of our privileges, as have a Tendency to 
destroy that -sense of moral Obligation upon which the 
well being of Society depends, and are subversive of 
those Rights and Liberties of Englishmen for the Preser- 
vation of which their Abettors profess they are contend- 

Acept Sir, of our Sincere Wishes that your Adminis- 
tration, more especially the Endeavours which we doubt 
not you will exert to Reinstate this Province in its Pris- 
tine Tranquility may be crowned with that Success which 
shall entitle you to the united applauses of a grateful and 
happy people to yet higher Tokens of Royal Favor and 
Confidence, and to the final approbation of the Judge of 
all.' — And that William Browne, Andrew Oliver, Peter 
Frye, Samuel Curwen & Daniel Farnham Esq rs . be a 
Committe to present the same." 



The following are exact copies of original papers on 
file in the Record Office of the Superior Court in the 
Court House at Boston. Mr. Skelton, minister of the 
church at Salem, died Aug. 2, 1634, having been settled 
here under an agreement with the Company in London, 
by which he and his family were to be provided for. 
These papers relate to the adjustment of the accounts, 
and appear to be the result of an investigation made 
before a Jury, as the first paper is endorsed : 

"The accounts: betwene : mr Debete "(deputy gov- 
ernor)" Mr. Dudle & mrs Bagerle : w th ou r Jurie verdict." 

The Coppie of the Ministers Agreem.* w th the Com- 

] panie & ffrancis Bright of [Roiley] in Essex Clark haue 

I this present 2 th Febr : 1628 agreed w th the Comp. a of Ad- 

! uenturers for new England in America to bee ready w th 

[ my wyf 2 children & one maid servant by the begining of 

march next to take our passage to their plantation at or 

I neare Massachusetts Bay in New England as aforesaid 

wheare I doe promise god sparing mee Life & health to 

I serve the said Company in the work of the ministery by 

my true & faithfull endeauours for the space of Three 

years for & in consideration wherof these seuerall p ticu- 

lars are this day agreed vpon by the s d company and by 

me accepted Namely : 



1. That twenty pounds shiilbe [forth] with paid ine by 
the Companies Treasurer towards Chardges of fitting my I 
selfe w th apparell, & other necessaries for y e voiadge. 

2. That ten pounds more shalbe paid me by him 
towards pvideing of [book]es which said books vpon my 
death, or removall from the Chardg now i[ntended] to 
bee transferred vpon mee, are to be and remaine to such 
minister as shall succeed in my place for the said Com- 
pany, & before my departure out of England I am to 
deliuer a p ticuler of the said bookes. 

3. That twenty pounds yearly shalbee paid mee for 
three yeares to begin from the tyme of my first Arivall 
in New England & so to bee accounted and paid at the 
end of each yeare. 

4. That dureing the said tyme the Company shall 
p vide for mee and my family aforementioned necessaries 
of dyet housing tier wood, & shalbee at the Chardge of 
the transportacion of vs into New England, and at the 
end of the said three yeares if I shal not like to Con- 
tinew longer there ; to be at Charges of transporting vs 
back for England. 

5. That in convenient tyme a house shalbe built, & 
certaine Lands alloted their vnto, w ch during my stay in 
the Country, & continewing in the ministerie shalbe for 
my vse, and after my death or Removall the same to be 
for succeeding ministers. 

6. That at the expiracion of the said three years one 
hundred Acrs of Land shalbe assigned vnto me for mee, 
& my heirs for euer. 

7. That in case I shal depart this life in that Country 
the said Company shall take care for my widow dureing :if 
her widowhood and aboad [in tha]t Country and planta- 
tion, the like for my children whilst they remain [up]on 
the said plantation. 


8. That the milk of twoe kine shalbee appointed mee 
towards the Chardg of dyet for mee and my family as 
aforesaid and half their increase dureing the said three 
years to be likewise mine, but the said twoe kine & the 
other half of the increase to returne to the Company att 
the end of the said three years. 

9. That I shall haue liberty to Carry bedding linnen 
brasse yron pewter of my owne for my necessary vse 
dureing the said tyme. 

10. That if I Con tine w seaven years vpon the said 
plantation that then one hundred acrs of Land more 
shalbe allotted to mee for me & mv heirs for ever. 

The 8 of Aprill 1629. 

M r ffrancis Higgeson and M r Samuell Skelton Intended 
ministers for this plantacon, and it being thought meete 
to consider of their intertamem fc , who expressing their 
willingnes, together also with M r ffrancis Bright being 
now present, to doe their true endeavor in their places of 
the ministerie, as well in preaching, Catechizinge as also 
in teaching or causing to bee taught the Companys ser- 
vants and their children as also the Salvages & their 
Children wherby to their uttermost to further the maine 
end of this Plantation being by the assistance of Al- 
mighty God the Convertion of the Saluages ; The p posi- 
tions & aoreeui ts . concluded on with M r ffrancis Bright 
the second of February last were reciprocallie accepted 
of by M r ffrancis Higgeson and M r Samuel Skelton who 
are in euery respect to haue the like conditions as M r 
Bright hath, only wheaeas M r Higgeson hath eight chil- 
dren it is intended that 10. £ more yearly shalbee allowed 
him towards their chardges ; And it is agreed that the 
increase to be improved of all their grounds during the 



first three y cares, shalbe att the Company s clisposinge, 
who arc to find their dyct dnreing that tyme ; and 10 £ 
more to M r Higgeson towards his present fitting him & 
his for the voyage : 

ffrancis Higgeson, 
Samncll Skelton. 

This is a true Coppy of the agreem 1 made l)etweene 
M r Higeson, M r Skelton, and the Company as it was I 
Coppied out of the booke by the secretary of o r Com- j 
pany verbatim M r Bright his agreem.* is on the other | 
syde wherel>y yon may pceane what agreem. 1 was made, 
& further though it was not mentioned in the agreem.* 
but forgotten M r Pliggeson was p mised a man seruant to 
take care & look to his things & to catch him fish & fowle 
& pvide other things needfnll and also 2 maid sernants 
to look to his family. 

[This heading is in the hand-writing of Gov. Endicott.J 


lh s d 

W 14 yards of clutch Serge Reed a tt 2—05— 9 ~) 

It. 17 yards of ffustian att 1—07— 

It. 11 yards of w l English ieans — 13 — 9 

It. 12 yards of Red p petuana 1—16—0 

It. 12 yards of Greene say 1 — 13 — 

It. 12 yards of yellow say 1 — 13 — 

It. 12 elns of blew linnen 0—14 — 

It. 14 elns of course holland 1 — 17 — 4 

It. 20 elns of course Lo[ck]erum 1—05 — 10 

It. 23£ yds of stript Linsey woolsy 1 — 09 — 4 

It. 7 yrds of buckerura — 05 — 3 

It. one peece of Noridg serdg 2—05 — 

It. 20 elns of Lockerum 1—05 — 10 

It. 15 yards of w l fflannell 0—15—00 

It. 20 elns of Course Canvas 1—04 [0] 

It. one pound of whalbone [01 — 6] J 

lb s 


Item w so much pel w Mr Renell p rt of Mr Pearce 
his bill, the some of 




Item & 9'b of Iron att 3<i is 0—02 

It. w one syth — 03 

It. y one Ashing line 0—03—0 

It. w 30 pound ocum — 07—6 

It. w 2000 Nails 6* & C 0—10—0 

It. w 660 Nails 10<* w C 0—05—5 

It. w 1 reame of paper — 10 — 

Item borowed of C.p Endicot of y e Comp 
7 yrds of bays att 2* G'l w y rd is 
ialfe a elne of flfustian att 
It. 2 yards & half of yellow Carsey 3 s 4<J 


00— 17— 0G 

00—08— 4 

11) 8 p 


J 03=07=10 

Suma to lls 

Ite 2 gall of Metheglen 

31—19— 5 

[These live words are in Endicott's handwriting.] 
Ite 3 yrds of Cambrick 

It. one Lethe r Jack 

It. two Tubbs 

It. one wooden hand boule 

Ite vinegar 

It. 3 peuter botls quarts 

G yrds & a h. of Loomework 

2 drinking homes 

8 pr of shoes for men 

6 pr gray stockings for men 

G prof stockings for women 

Gprof stockings for children It. one pinte peuter botle 

10 yrds of Carsey It. one hatt 


2000 of pinnes 

6 Alls 

one webb of blew gartering 

2 knots of Tape 


Y 00—03—06 





A no 1629 

Inprimis V so much w ch should haue beene paid him 

in England towards fitting him for y e voyadg 
Item for charges att Tiltbury, Cowes, & Plimoth, being 

wind bound 
Item V Twenty V Annum for 3 years is ye some of 

lb s d 




lb s 

Item for on bushell of wheat flower 00 — 15- 

It. for one bushell of oat raeale 00 — 10- 

It. for one holland & 2 orclenary cheese 00 — 10- 

It. for xxib of poucler suger att 01 — 03- 

It. for one Loaf Cont. 7 lb at is 6<i 00—10- 
It. for one sugar Loaf Cont. o^ at 1§ 7<* *> "» 00—07- 

It. 6 lb of pepper 00—12- 

It. Nutmeggs 4 ozs. 00—01- 

It. one oz. of clovs, & one oz. of mace 00 — 02- 

Ite. iii lb of starch 00—01- 

Ite. xiii b of Rice 00—06- 

Ite. vi"> of vntryecl suett 00—03- 

Ite. one gall of aquavites 00 — 03- 

Ite. for one flitch of Bacon 00 — 14- 

Ite. Castle soape ix lb att 8<* V lb 00—06- 

Ite. frute viz. Reasons Corrants & pruens 00 — 14- 

Ite. Safron ii oz. 00—05- 

Ite. five qu. of stronge water 00—08- 

Ite. Almonds iiH> att I s 2<* 00—02- 

Ite. xv* b of tryed suett at 8& W it> 00—10- 

Ite. one gall, of Sallert oyle 00—06- 

Ite. vi lb of Can<lls 00—03- 

Ite. v geese & ix ducks 00—08- 

An<> 1630 

Ite. xii lb of Butter att 00 — 08- 

Ite. vi potts of Butter cont. viii ' b tf'pott 01—08- 

Ite. ii Cheeses about x lb a ps. 00— 11- 

Ite. half a firkin of butter of Mr. Gibbs 00—17- 
Ite. one third part of a barrell of w l biskett 00—10- 

Ite. one pott of hony vii lb wait att 00—07- 

Ite. one pott of butter att 00 — 03- 

Ite. x lb of Corrants att 00— 05- 

Ite. Bacon 00—10- 

Ite. one dozen of Candls 00 — 08- 

Ite. ii cheeses at vi<i V i b 00 — 11- 

Ite. iii cheeses att viid V i b 00 — 17- 

Ite. one porkett 01 — 05- 

Ite. xii lb of tryed suett 00— 08- 

Ite. vi geese & xii clucks 00 — 14- 

Ite. vi po : of powder suger about 20 d 00 — 10- 

Ite. v po. of powder suger 18 d 00—07- 

Ite. x' b of loaf suger 01—00- 

Ite. cloves & mace 00—01- 

Ite. ii oz. of Nutmegs is & Sinamon 4 d 00—02- 





- 9 

- 6 

- 8 


- 3 



- 8 






- 4 




- oj 


- 6 



- 3 

- 9 





- 6 



- 4 J 11—05 

09—03— 1 




Ite. workmen's wadges for Cutting 
wood against winter about 

& bringing home 

lb s (1 

Suina to lis 

so much Mr I'earce for provisions of meale, 

Item V 

pease, canvas [CJarsey & elce w th 3'b 5 s <Jd [ 
after 25 lb V cent & freight I say pd the some of 

Ite. for 3 quarts of aquavites 

lte. for x lb of rice att 5<i 

Ite. 10 Ib of Butter att 

lte. 4 cheeses att 

Ite. 10 peeces of pork 

Ite. more 20> b of Butter 

Ite. more 4 bushells Virginia Corne 

Ite. soape 7 lb & vineger 4 gall. 8 s & 1 g. 2s 

Ite. 2 pecks of w l salte att 


12—15— 1 





ii) s a 

0—00— 8 

1—03— 4 

0—11— 8 


^> 05—11— 




0—03— J 

Sum is 
And on the other syde the totall some of 

18—14— 8 

Suma to lis 

Now de Increase 

The first year next after the receipte of the 2 heif- 
fers, both the calues miscaried, one about a quarter 
ould clyed, the other neare upon a yeare ould Lost by 
the woolvs. 

The second yeare there was a heiffer calfe and a bull 
calfe wch heiffer is now in my hands and the Bull calfe 
Mr Skelton sould att one year and three quarters ould 
for eight pounds. 

The Therd yeare was 2 bull Calues which the begin- 
ing of the winter weare both eaten with the woolvs. 

Now since the Three foresaid years, the next yeare 
after was Twoe bull calues, and an heiffer Calfe, the 
springe before Mr. Skeltons death. 

And This yeare since was Three bull Calues Twoe 
whereof are dead, the one when it was about Twenty 
i& twoe weeks ould, the other since winter did begin. 
Now for the keeping of the Catle wch should haue 
beene att the Companyes Chardge hath wholly Lyen 
vpon vs. 



The above papers are in the handwriting of Ralphi 
Fogg, who was in 1636 the town clerk and also the clerk 
of the Quarter Court; the last part shows that they 
were written during the winter of 1634-5. Whether! 
the examination of the accounts was made at Salem and 
reported to the Court at Boston, or whether it was made| 
before the Court of Assistants at Boston does not appear.) 
The only reference to the subject on the Colony Records 
is the following: — At a Court of Assistants, June 5,1 
1638, "It was ordered, wth. the consent of Mrs. Bag- 1 
gerly, that the increase of Mr. Skeltons cattle should bee 
divided according to Mr. Skeltons will, & that the goods 
& household stuffe wch. belongs to the 3 eldest child r n| 
should bee divided by some of the church of Salem, &| 
comitted to the church of Salem." 

Hugh Peter writes to Winthrop from Salem, Aug. 8 
[1638] "let me haue a word from you about Mrs. Beg- 
aarly's, or rather Mr. Skelton's house which is now fall in<n 
to the ground if some thing bee not done." As Mrs.} 
Beggarly thus seems to have represented the estate of Mr. 
Skelton it has been supposed that she was his widow ; J 
but this would seem to be an error, for in Winthrop'si 
Journal, Vol. 2, p. 344, is mentioned a hearing by the! 
Court of Assistants, June 2, 1636, of "the cause between! 
Richard Beggarly and his wife, who had been here six] 
years, and he in England." She sought to obtain a J 
divorce, but the decision of the court was deferred. "We 
ordered he should remain separate from her till she might 
send into England for further proof, and appointed him 
twenty shillings from her to set him to work, etc." Ap- I 
parently she took the name, afterwards, of "Mrs. Daniel." 
There is no mention of Mrs. Beggarly on our town rec-l 
ords, while a Mrs. (or M. lis ) Daniel has a grant of land 
in 1637, and appears to have been in possession, then, of j 


part, at least, of Mr. Skelton's estate. 1 She probably 
soon after removed to Providence and married John 
Greene. "Mrs. Daniel" had a grant of land there in 
1637 (see Rhode Island Colony Records, Vol. 1, p. 15, 
and the note thereto "Alice Daniell, afterwards the wife 
of John Greene"). Winthrop in his Journal (Vol. 1, 
p. 283) refers to Green thus "(who hath married the 
wife of one Beggarly whose husband is living, and no 
divorce)." On the record of the Quarter Court at Salem, 
March 27, 1638, is the following, "Mrs. Daniell, pi., ag. 4 
Richard Beckly, deft., in [an action] of debt, Jury finds 
for pi. twenty shillings damages & iiii s costs." The 
sum recovered and the name of the defendant suggest 
a connection between this action and the petition for 
divorce above mentioned. In the list of those among: 
whom the marsh lands in Salem were divided, and in 
which the number before the name indicates the number 

of persons in the family, is entered "1 M. ris Daniell ." 

The blank where the amount of her allotment should have 
been stated is perhaps explained by her removal to Provi- 

In an account of Mr. Skelton's house, "Essex Inst. 
Hist. Coll.," Vol. 8, pp. 255-6, it is stated that a "cottage 
right" was allowed for Mrs. Daniel's house, which stood 
next to that of Mr. Skelton and on his land. The name 
is entered on the Commoners Record "Mr. Daniel," but 
this was probably an error for Mrs, Daniel, as there is 
no mention of any Mr. Daniel here at so early a date. 

The following extracts from the records of deeds for 
the County of Essex furnish some information as to the 

1 (See Salem town records grant of land to Lawrence Leach, Feb. 20, 1637. 
Leach's land was on the east side of Porter's River, Mr. Skelton's farm (now 
Danversport) being on the west side. Leach's grant is descrihed as " over against 
Mrs. Daniells farme." ) 


family of Mr. Skelton not hitherto noticed. Felt states! 

only that he "left children, Samuel and three daughters." 
The names of the daughters and their marraiges appear 
from the following data. In 1649 a caveat is recorded of 
the sale of "Skelton's Neck" by Samuel Skelton, son of 
Rev. Samuel Skelton, to John Porter, "reserving three j 
score acres of the said neck of land lying furthest west." — 1 
Book 1, Leaf 8. This is confirmed by a subsequent deedj 
in 1663, "the said John Porter having purchased the j 
right and interest of the three daughters of the said 
Samuel Skelton, Sen r ., in y e said farm." — Book 2, Leaf 
71. Accordingly we find recorded a deed of twenty! 
acres of land which by its bounds appears to be part of j 
"Skelton's Neck," from Robert Sanford of Boston and j 
Elizabeth his wife to John Porter, in 1652, — Book 2, 
Leaf 25; and also a deed, in 1655, to John Porter, of 
the remaining forty acres from John Marsh of Salem and 
Susanna his wife and Nathaniel Felton of Salem and Mary 
his wife. — Book 2, Leaf 33. 



Vol, XIII. July, 1876. No. 3. 



THE BRITISH, 1775-6. 1 


The evacuation of Boston by the British forces under 
Sir William Howe on the seventeenth of March, 1776, 
released the inhabitants of that town from the terrors, 
anxieties, and privations, of a siege the most memorable 
in the history of our country. On the seventeenth of 
March, 1876, a full century is completed during which 
the State of Massachusetts, within its present limits, 
has been free from foreign occupation or invasion. It 
becomes us, who have so long enjoyed the blessings of 
peace and prosperity, to consider at such a time the ter- 
rible sufferings which the patriots of that day were called 
upon to endure, and the sacrifices which they so willingly 
and heroically made for the cause of Liberty. 

The shutting up the port of Boston by the Boston Port 

1 Read at a Meeting of the Essex Institute, March 6, 1876. 
1-1 (153) 


Bill, June 1, 1774, produced the greatest suffering and 
distress, and aroused the intensest indignation throughout 
the whole country. Absolute submission to all the min- 
isterial demands was the only method by which this suf- 
fering could be peaceably averted, but as such submission 
was impossible, it was felt that the evils of war were 
imminent, and the people of Boston and the surround- 
ing towns prepared themselves for the emergency with a 
resolute spirit, accompanied by gloomy forebodings, ap- 
parent in the correspondence and journals of the time. 

In the language of the Convention at Concord, Aug. 
30, 1774, "these late Acts, if quietly submitted to, will 
annihilate the last vestiges of liberty in this Province." 
"Our fathers left a fair inheritance to us, purchased by a 
waste of blood and treasure ; this we are resolved to 
transmit equally fair to our children after us ; no danger 
shall affright, no difficulties intimidate us ; and if in sup- 
port of our rights we are called to encounter even death, 
w 7 e are yet undaunted, sensible that he can never die too 
soon, who lays down his life in support of the laws and 
liberties of his country." 2 

On the nineteenth of April, 1775, all intercourse be- 
tween the people of Boston and the country was cut off 
by order of Gen. Gage, but on the twenty-second an 
agreement was made that the inhabitants might, upon 
surrendering their arms, "leave the town with their fami- 
lies and effects, and those who remained might depend 
upon the protection of the governor." Gage, however, 
fearing that if all the patriots left the town the besieging 
forces would burn it, violated this agreement, and at first 
obstructed such removals, and finally denied passes, or so 
framed them that families would have to be separated and 

2 See American Archives, Fourth Series, Vol. I, pp. 751-2; also Frothinghaui'q 
Siege of Boston, p. 12. 


property left behind. 3 Even when removals were allowed 
the closest scrutiny was used to prevent any kind of pro- 
vision or merchandize being carried away. All letters 
were opened and read, and upon the slightest pretext 
persons who were in any way obnoxious, or from whom 
it was hoped information might be extorted, were seized 
and imprisoned in jails or dungeons, where they received 
the most unfeeling and barbarous usage. 

The general history of that most interesting period of 
the Kevolution has been fully written by Frothingham 
and others, and antiquarian research has added much to 
our knowledge concerning its principal characters and 
events ; but whoever desires to appreciate most truly the 
spirit which actuated the people and the constant anxie- 
ties and trials they suffered, will still find much to inter- 
est him in private or business letters, in journals and 
other unpublished documents. 

In a large collection of family papers, in the possession 
of the writer, are many letters written at that time to 
Oliver Wendell. He was residing Jan. 1, 1775, on the 
corner of School street in Boston, opposite the King's 
Chapel. About the first of April of that year, being an 
invalid and for many years disabled by lameness, he went 
with his family to visit his brother-in-law Jonathan Jack- 
son, in Newburyport, and soon after removed to Kingston, 
N. H., where he remained till after the evacuation of 
Boston. In an account of him in the first volume of the 
N. E. Historical and Genealogical Register, page 186, 
it is stated that he was "in the consultation of the early 
patriots of the American Revolution and contributed to 
the acquisition and maintenance of the liberty and inde- 
pendence of the Commonwealth and country." He was 

3 See Lossing, Field Book of the Am. Rev., Vol. I, p. 535. 


for some time one of the Selectmen of Boston, often a 
member of the Senate and of the Council under the Con- 
stitution, and was for many years Judge of Probate for 
the County of Suffolk. President Quincy says of him, 
"In all the relations of life, as a man, citizen, and magis- 
trate, Judge Wendell was distinguished for uncommon 
urbanity of manners, and unimpeached integrity of con- 
duct. During the course of a long life he had been suc- 
cessively called to fill many high and responsible offices. 
The punctuality and precision with which he fulfilled all 
the duties connected with them were highly exemplary." 
(See the account above referred to.) He was born March 
5, 1733 [N. S.], and was the son of Jacob Wendell, a 
distinguished merchant of Boston in Provincial times. 
His mother was Sarah Oliver, great-granddaughter of 
Gov. Simon Bradstreet. Oliver Wendell married Mary, 
daughter of Edward and Dorothy (Quinc}< ) Jackson, and 
sister of Jonathan Jackson above named. 

The two following letters to Oliver Wendell were 
written by John Scollay and John Pitts, his associates on 
the Board of Selectmen. 

Boston, May 16th, 1775. 
Dear Sir : 

Your Sympathizing heart I know must be deeply 
affected for the distresses of this Poor devoted Town but 
no representation can figure to you our real situation it is 
too painfull to attempt to discribe it, therefore must drop 
it. The Selectmen have for some time past had a great 
deal to do, but what gives us Satisfaction amidst our 
great pains & Labour is that our doings are Satisfactory 
to all parties. The affair of delivering up the Arms & 
of the Inhabitants removal has driven us «Teat trouble 
& we are but weak handed. There is none of us left but 
Deacon Newell, Col.° Marshall, M. r Austin & myself. 
We arc determined not to Leave the town but to con- 


tinuc in our Station. Indeed if we were so disposed the 
Governor I don't think would be willing we should ; he 
professes great Confidence in the Selectmen. 1 have Sub 
Rosa heard by the second hand that it would be very 
pleasing to him were you to Come to town. I have heard 
Several times lately that that was your Intention, if you 
have any thought of such a thing I apprehend you may 
make such terms for your Safety & Comfort as may be 
agreeable to you. Please to favour me with a Line. I 
am with great regard 

S. r your most H ble Serv.* 

John Scollay 
(Endorsed by O. W.) 

Boston May 16, 1775 John Scollay Esq. r Letter. 

Watertown July 13 th 1775. 
Dear Sir : 

Agreeable to your desire I now acquaint you that 
in consequence of the Congress making an addition to 
their resolve respecting the poor of y e town of Boston, 
M. r Greenleaf who is near can certify who are such poor 
better than You & I, as from y e nature of his office he 
must know them personally, so that I apprehend we shall 
be sufficient without putting you to y e trouble of attend- 
ing for that purpose. But if your health would have 
admitted of it your Company wo d have been very agree- 
able & we sho d have expected assistance & advice in the 
unhappy state of our oppressed & now bleeding Country. 

Our Friends are all well here & those of our Brethren, 
the Selectmen, in Boston. They have a few days past 
communicated to Congress the desire of that perfidious 
& inhuman Gage that y e poor of the town of Boston may 
be received into the Country. 

He had no particular return I understand but in gen- 
eral that we were ready to receive such of the inhabitants 
who sho d come out, & that if he was desirous of being 
releaved of the poor they hoped he would comply with 
his agreement with the town that all who inclined, after 
performing what was stipulated, w. ch they religiously did, 


might come out. . It is said this desire to take y e poor is 
in consequence of his being short of provisions w. cb hope 
is the case. I have nothing worthy of notice to commu- 
nicate to you except that our Army are in good health & 
fine spirits ; the late conflict at Charlestown I doubt not 
will have more happy effects than at first view could be 
expected. For our men had become almost impetuous, 
& there was reason to fear some unexpected stroke when 
least expected by our men might make very unhappy im- 
pressions, whereas now they have had a check sufficient 
to make them cautious only & not to abate of that noble 
fervor w. ch has generally prevail'd. So that at present 
we have a good prospect, more especially as I find Gen- 
eral Washington has received advice from Boston that 
has occasioned him to counter-order his desire of raisins: 
more troops \v ch a few clays past he thought there was 
necessity of. This I mention in confidence. We have 
information w ch believe to be true that the Rebels 4 in 
Boston are sickly & distressed for want of provisions. 
What with this & the severe dressing they had at Bunkers 
hill perhaps they will be more careful in future how they 
attack us. 

I have insensibly fill'd up more paper than I at first 
intended being very busy at y e office & not time for recol- 
lection w ch must be an excuse for all incorrectness. 

May the happy time come speedily when w T e may re- 
turn to our native town in the enjoyment of peace & 
happiness ; but if we must fight it out first I see no rea- 
son to despond. I expect to share the fate of my Coun- 
try & shall endeavour to possess a state of mind for 
whatever may be y e event 

I am affectionately &c. 

John Pitts. 

(Endorsed by O. W.) 

Watertown July 

M. r John Pitts Letter. 

In a letter to Mrs. Wendell from her cousin Hannah 

* The British forces. 


Lincoln, 5 June 9, 1775, are the following references to 
the troubles of the time : 

The pleasure I received to-day in finding your brother 
at Papa's on my return from meeting is more safely con- 
ceived than expressed : therefore I shall only say that I 
was very glad & proceed to let you know that I could 
feel at the relation of your flight almost as much as if 
I had been with you, for we here have experienced so 
many alarms as to make us know how to sympathize with 
such of our Bretheren as are under similar circumstances. 
Your Brother has just said this is but the dawning of 
sorrows — if he is not mistaken (tho' I sincerely wish he 
may be) what calamities have we yet to dread? What 
can Great Britain do more to distress us ? Can they have 
sharper [quivers] to goad us with than what we have 
already felt? How, without permission from above can 
they proceed to afflict us more ?***** 

What a revolution in a few months ! I dare not think 
of what has been ; then how shall I endure more? I want 
to write all that has happened since the 19 th of April in 
our little Circle, but time won't allow; therefore I shall 
only remind you of the advice given by our favorite 
Young, not to abandon fortitude ; it must be our support 
let our trials be ever so severe. 

Mrs. Margaret Phillips, wife of William Phillips and 
mother of John Phillips, the first mayor of Boston, writes 
to her brother Oliver Wendell, from Watertown, June 
21, 1775, four days after the battle of Bunker Hill, a 
letter which shows the energy characteristic of the women 
of the time. 

Dear Brother, 

We have been in great trouble for this week 
past. On Friday last M. r Apleton & wife with his 

5 Hannah Lincoln was the daughter of Josiah Quincy, hrother of Dorothy (Quin- 
cy) Jackson the mother of Mrs. Wendell. 

6 Jonathan Jackson. 


Brother brought up Doc* Apleton 7 to tarry till the begin- 
ning of this week when M. r Apleton was to return 
& carry him to And over. He accordingly returned a 
Wednesday but the doctor is so low that he cannot be 
removed. On Saturday we had an alarm & on Saboth 
morning Sister Wendell 8 tho't it best to go further off, 
but 1 could not think of leaving Doc. 1 Apleton & Sister 
Hunt. The children beg'd hard to go away. I at length 
consented to o- with sister Wendell to Weston, 9 where I 
left her with Sarah & the children at Baldwin's & re- 
turned home at night alone ; but on Monday (as Sister 
Wendell intended to go further to the Westward & the 
children were at a Tavern) I thought best to bring them 
back. We are in constant fear of some alarm. I have 
had a very kind invitation from Springfield both from Coll. 
Worthington & M. rs Dwisfht, another from Coll. Porter 
to Hadley. Sister Wendell has returned but intends to 
go westward. I am greatly Perplexed haveing Doc* 
Apleton so low & Sister Hunt to take care of in addition 
to Seven that I must take care of which is more than I 
am able to do. * * * * 

During a journey to the South in the previous fall and 
winter Jonathan Jackson wrote many letters to Oliver 
Wendell, from which I take the following extracts. He 
writes from Bowdoin's Ferry, Virginia, Dec. 15, 1774, 
that he had been a fortnight in reaching that place from 
Philadelphia, 300 miles. 

"Pomp is in good health & behaves very well & my 
horses as yet hold out pretty well, tho' hay is not to be 
met with here. They have had none for 150 miles back 
& I expect not to meet with any again, till the Spring, 
when 1 have got back into Maryland ; the Western shore 
their feed is Corn-Blades & Oats. As for Politicks, or 
rather what is going on in your northern World, I have 

7 This was the Rev. Nathaniel Appleton, D. D., for sixty-six years minister of 
the First Church at Cambridge. He was born at Ipswich, Dec. 9, 1693. 

s Catherine (Brattle) Wendell, wife of John Mieo Wendell, a brother of Oliver. 
51 About six miles west of Watertown. 


not heard any thing for a long while : every Body in this 
country is solicitous to know in what situation you are, 
& whether like to hold out ; thro'out this shore of Mary- 
land & Virginia, they appear very hearty in the Cause. 
* * * * I have been very genteelly treated from 
place to place by the Gent." on this Shore, who handed 
me from one to t'other generally by letter. The gentle- 
man who keeps this Ferry is a kinsman of Mr. Bowdoin's 
of Boston & served his time with Sain 1 Hughes (the hard 
& sharp) he fondly enquired after your M. r Appleton & 
the two Amorys his quondam Associates. * * * I 
lodge at a public ho. on his Plantation which he set up to 
accomodate strangers." 

Charlestown 10 24. lh Jan? 1775. 
My dear Friend 

I have the pleasure to date from this place 
which I reached two days ago. * * * * my horses 
are mere skeletons. I long to hear in what situation you 
all are, from many flying Reports, I fear something of 
the violent kind has or is nearly taking place with you. 
May God preserve you all in Peace. My coward ly heart 
sometimes tells me I am better away ; but I often wish 
eagerly to be among you, that I may know & see the 
worst. It would give me great pleasure if all the Tory 
Gentry with you had passed the Extent of Country I have 
this Winter, to have seen how staunch & fixed all kinds 
of People are to the American Cause. Even Custom 
House officers this way don't hesitate to scan the Minis- 
ter's measures & condemn him. If you once draw the 
sword in good earnest (w. ch Heaven avert) may you not 
stop till you have compleated a Disbandry of all the Sol- 
I diers, to people the Country ; & I would advise re-ship- 
ping all the Officers in one Bottom to their native Coun- 
try, upon their Paroles of honour never to return here 
again upon a like Errand. * * * * 

I am with great Regard your affectionate Brother 

J. Jackson. 

"> Charleston, S. C. 


In a letter to Mrs. Wendell of the same date he says 
he fears matters are gathering to a crisis at Boston, and 
asks her to make Newbury her "refuge." 

His son Edward Jackson writes at his father's request 

Newburyport, April [16 th ?] 1775. 
Sunday Evening. 
Dear Uncle : 

I write you at my Father's desire, as he is so 
much taken up with public affairs that he can't find time 
to do that nor scarcely anything else. He says that he 
will send you furniture for two rooms p. r first opportunity. 
My mama & children are going to Exeter to-morrow, 
they would have gone to-day had it been fair weather. 
1 had not time to tell you anything you went off so soon 
after I got here a Friday. I came out of Boston a 
Wednesday morning with hopes to get a passage to Salem 
in the Stage, but it did not go neither cou'd I get a horse 
in the Town; however I got to Salem with walking part 
of the way. I left Mrs. Phillips well that morning ; her 
Children were at Cambridge ; she was in as good spirits 
as cou'd be expected, as was Lydia also. I did not bring 
any of my Aunt's things, I was in such a hurry lest the 
stage should go. My reason for staying at Salem so long 
was because M. r Appleton wanted the horse & chaise. 
This Town have chose a Committee of two to meet the 
Committee from Salem and other Sea Ports, to determine 
what is best to be done concerning them in this critical 
Situation. We have no late Intelligence from the army. 
Marshfield is certainly burnt as we see it from our house, 
but by which party is uncertain. We are all very well 
and in good Spirits and wish you may be so. We all 
join in love & good wishes to } r ou, my Aunt & two Cou- 
sins. [I] remain Sir, your dutifull Nephew 

Edw. d Jackson. 

Do, Sir, desire my Aunt to send home a riding Hood 
my Father brought to her as it belongs to Eunice. 


Mr. Jackson writes from 

Exeter, Tuesday Morn. g Q o'clock. 
D. 1 Sir: 

I got here safe last night with my little Flock & 
if it was the next most necessary thing would come to 
you to-day, to confer upon placing you all together or 
near each other, but I am hurrying home to dispatch a 
Team I suppose is gone along and the most necessary 
things I chose to have immediately gone, as we may rea- 
sonably expect an armed Ship with Requisitions severe 
eno' to say no more of 'em. Marbleh'd had them made 
to 'em on Saturday, & it is reported have submitted. 
Salem expects the same Demand every moment & they 
are moving w'th all precipitation, & we have no Reason 
to expect less. As to the Armys they neither of 'em 
have any Idea of giving way that I can find, but I believe 
no capital Movement is soon to be looked for. Mrs. 
Emery is confined to her Chamber. They asked for you 
& expected you, & if you cannot find a comfortable Re- 
tirement, I would have you put along here & take up for 
a few days at Folsoms ; but by the Return of the Bearer, 
if I can get one to you to-day, do write Hannah your 
situation & whether she may be comfortable along side 
you with her two children, Maid & black Girl & Boy & 
her nurse soon. With my tender love to my Sister & 
your little Folks & with a recommendation to you both 
to keep your spirits good,. I am D. 1 ' Sir, 

Your affectionate Fr. d & Bro. r 

J. Jackson. 

(Directed) To Mr. Oliver Wendell at 

(Endorsed) Jon. a Jackson & his Son Ned's Letter, 1775. 

Thursday Morn.* Apr. 27. th 1775. 
Dear Sir : 

I fear you think I've quite forgot you but my 
more urgent Necessitys have hitherto kept me other ways. 
Hannah sent over her Boy last night to let me know 
where you were and how. I have sent one load of Goods 


over to Exeter & shall send another Tomorrow & follow 
it myself so as to be there at night if possible. Hannah 
seems inclined to stay at Exeter, at least till she is well 
again. In the Confusion of moving, our Things got so 
mixed, that without making the Rendezvous of them at 
Exeter, it will be impossible almost to sort them for her 
& you. I wish on Saturday morn. g , if the Weather is 
good, you would be early at Exeter, leaving Polly with 
the Children & we will en^a^e one Team with the most 
necessary things to get to you by (Saturday) night, & I 
will ride over with you to Kingston — this is upon suppo- 
sition you are situated to your mind or can be, there. 
Our apprehensions are so lulled, we begin to think this 
place secure, & a fortiori Exeter, but I propose neither 
of them to you unless your mind is fully composed ; 
indeed 'till public affairs have taken a more certain Turn, 
we know not what may happen. I inclose you a Letter 
from Brimmer with the happy news that our Friends in 
Boston are like to be liberated. I send you the last 
Paper, with their last most cruel but artfull Act, & 
you'll find they are framing another for some of the 
Southern Governments. The Reinforcement from Eng- 
land is hourly expected, but we can get no' certainty of 
their numbers. Cap. 1 Callahan's Papers all went to Bos- 
ton. Cap. 4 Lyde arrived yesterday at Cape Anne. His 
papers have gone to our Congress. Our Cousin, J. 
Quincy, was a passenger with Lyde & the report is, died 
two hours after he got ashore with a Consumption ; if so, 
he is gone from trouble eno', I think. Our Congress 
have determined upon an army of 30 thous. d Men, for 
the four Govern. mts , of which we raise 13 or 14 thous. d 
The Inlisting Orders are issued; they talk of a paper 
Currency to support the Expence, the worst manoeuvre 
I've yet heard of — Heaven avert it. Nance can best tell 
you how and when she got here. I hurry her to you, 
Polly can guess why. My tenderest love to her, your 
little ones & yourself. 

Excuse me further, 

your affectionate Friend & Bro. r 

J. Jackson. 


Give my Compliments to M. r Noyes (& his lady, tho' 
unknown to her). Mrs. Bromfielcl is in your Neighbor- 
hood at Kensington, & so is old Mrs. Lowell. Mr. 
Bromfielcl set out yesterday for Boston to take care of his 
mother &q, & John Tracy for his Mistress. Dispatch 
Ned as soon as possible. What 3011 want, write by him 

(Endorsed by O. W.) J. J.'s Letter. 

The following letter is from Simon Tufts, son of Dr. 
Simon Tufts of Medford (see N. E. Hist. & Gen. Regis- 
ter, vol. 9, p. 117). 

Boston May 1775. 
Sir : 

I have made several Attempts last Month to forward 
a Letter to you but miscarried ; hope this will arrive 

I hereby to acquaint you that amidst the Confusion distress 
& difficulty of the times, I have remained here till yet. 
As to your Part of the Store, I have kept it Shut and my 
own great part of the Time since the last Quarter for 
want of any kind of use or employ, owing to the above 
Reasons. As most of my Friends & acquaintance are 
gone & going out of Town I expect to be one of the 
Number-; if so shall leave the Keys of your part of the 
Store and those of M. rs Wendell's cither with M. r Jacob 
Wendell or at your House. Otherwise if I stay will do 
as much as is in my Power in the Care of your Property 
within my Sphere. This accompany s a Letter from my 
Friend M. 1 * Henry Prentiss per Cap. 1 Hammond, tho' 
suppose you have rec. d later. 

If I could have had any Advice from you, would have 
let your part of the Store if any application had been 
made, but now there is not the least probability. May 
the Supreme Disposer of all Events & director of all 

\ Men & things appear for the Relief of this unhappy & 
distress'd Capital and relieve us from our present Confu- 
sions & Disorders & avert those Evils we fear impending 

1 on us. I am with due Respect, Sir, 

Your very obedient & oblidg'd Friend & Humb. Serv.* 

S. Tufts. 


P. S. The Letter referred to is the first M. r Prentiss | 
wrote after his arrival at y e W. Indies and as his arriv'd 
at Newbury port, it may not be sent. Cap.* Freeman had 
took out the Letter for M rs Ruthy. 

(Endorsed) M. r Simon Tufts Letter May 1775. 

(Directed) To Mr. Oliver Wendell at Newburyport. 

Mr. Wendell was concerned with Nathaniel Appleton, 
and also with Henry Prentiss, in mercantile business. 
They were fortunate in securing the services of a friend 
and neighbor of Mr. Wendell, James Lovell, of Boston, 
to take care of their property, which was now in great 
danger of injury and depredation. There are a number 
of letters from these correspondents relating to their I 
business affairs and the protection and removal of goods, I 
furniture, etc., extracts from which are here given. 

Nathaniel Appleton was at the time living in Salem i, 
with his brother John. They were sons of Rev. Dr. I 
Appleton of Cambridge, already mentioned. Nathaniel 
w r as a member of the first Committee of Correspondence f 
and a zealous patriot during the Revolutionary struggle. 
He was a distinguished opponent of the slave trade. 11 I 
John Appleton was a successful merchant in Salem. In | 
his store the celebrated Count Rum ford (Benjamin Thomp- 
son) was an apprentice from 1766 to 1769. 12 

Henry Prentiss was the son of Rev. Joshua Prentiss of I 
ilolliston, who married for his second wife Margaret, the j 
daughter of Rev. Dr. Appleton, and the sister of the j 
above named Nathaniel. He was a captain in the Revo- J 
lutionary Army, and had been before a sea captain. 13 

James Lovell was for some years master of the South j 
Grammar School in Boston. His residence during the. | 

11 See Appleton Memorial, p. 31. 

"See Ellis' Life of Count ltumford, p. 16. 

™See The Prentiss Family, p. 110. 


Revolution was on the estate where the Parker House 
aow stands, and his family witnessed, on the housetop, 
the burning of Charlestown during the battle of Bunker 
Hill. He was imprisoned in the Boston jail, Gen. Howe 
having discovered a prohibited correspondence proving 
his adherence to the Revolutionary cause. During his 
imprisonment his devoted wife was daily accustomed to 
convey his food to the prison door. 14 He was carried to 
Halifax on the evacuation, but was exchanged in 1776. 
He was afterwards a member of the Continental Con- 
gress, Collector, and, for a long time, Naval Officer. 

The following are the letters referred to, arranged in 
the order of their dates. 

Salem, Jan. 10 th , 1775. 
Mr. Wendell 

Hope you got home safe and found all well. 
I have this clay sent by Mr. Henderson's Sleds seven casks 
pressed Head q. 1 446 Gall. 8 and also 6 casks by Young's 
Sleds 324 Gall. s the particular Guages have forwarded to 
Nicolls. I have sold Mr. Rob.' Jinkins of Boston 10 
Boxes Candles, to be deliver. d tomorrow morning. Cap. 1 
Bruce has spoken to me for 20 more i. e. 40 in all to be 
delivered begin. g next week, hope you will be able to 
send me a quantity down this week — do enjoin Nicols in 
packing the boxes that he fill up the Crevaces with paper 
to keep them from moving as much as possible. 1 have 
got some boards in my Pasture barn, if you want for 
boxes you may take 'em, the chief of 'em are 1J inch 
boards or planks, perhaps they may be sawed to advan- 
tage these scarce times. Presume our children are at 
Boston by this time, hope Thorny will not be trouble- 
som. I wrote Nath. a letter this morning, if he has not 
got it let him apply to Cap. 1 Hood. I Rec. d an order 
this day from Mr. Russell to ship the Oil to Plymouth. 
Don't forget to send down the Candles ; in hast, all well, 
, y. r friend N. A. 

14 Loring, in the Hundred Boston Orators (See Drake's Old Landmarks of Bos . 
on, p. 65) (also see N. E. Hist. Gen. Reg., Vol. 19, p. 257 (note) ). 


P. S. do inquire of Mr. Hewes whether he does sell 
for 2-6 as I have had it affirmed by Mr. Jinking, and 
consult with him what is best to be done as to price. 

P. S. you need not mention Jinkins name, but you. 11 
do as you please. 

P. S. please to tell Nat. to go and see Jinny Hewes 
and know how she does and whether Mrs. Hovey pur- 
poses to continue in Town. 

(Directed) To Mr. Oliver Wendell 

Merch. 1 
In Boston 
Near the Kings Chapel. 
(Endorsed) Salem Jan. 10. th 1775 

Nath. 1 Apple ton's Letter. 

Fryday Morn.« Mch. 30, 1775. 

I Rcc. d yours last evening. I should rather sell the \\ 
Oil than ship it, am sorry you did not strike immediately ! 
with Mr. Lloyd for Oil from Salem, as I am now fearful I 
that it will be too late as Laha is most ready to sail, hope I 
you will git an order immediately (if not allready) to j 
ship as much as } r ou can, as to the Lond.° vessel it is 
uncertain whether she will take any more freight but shall 
do my best — as to times being dark I don't know that it 
is yet. so dark as to stop our business, let us proceed on 1 
regular and leave the event. Y. rs in hast, 

N. A. 

P. S. best body Oil is sold here £40 L. Mo. You'll 
perceive in Alp. ht mem.° that Mr. Russell owes ab.* £65. 1 
I believe if you could git an ord. r on Mr. Curwin the \\ 
Deputy Impost master, he would pay it. Cap. 1 Laha i 
sails next Tuesday and if advised tomorrow, he will i| 
reserve freight room for 2 or 3 Tons, he says Mr. Lloyd Ij 
told him he believed he should ship some Oil by him. 

(Directed) To Mr. Oliver Wendell, Mercb.* 

In Boston. 

(Endorsed) Salem, March 30. th 1775. 
N. Appleton's Letter. 


Salem, March 30. "> 177,' 

S. r 

I wrote you yesterday about Laha bound to Halifax. 
I understand that he will sail in a few days, was in hopes 
to hear. d something from you before now, respecting this 
Oil for Halifax & sniping our Oil to London. Cap. 1 
Brown for London is nearly full. I have boa.* 5 or 6 
Ton head but don't know how to pay for it unless I draw 
on Heyley & Hopkins, or receive some from Newbury- 
port. We have just heard of a number of soldiers march- 
ing out of Boston this morning, but don't learn upon what 
design. All well, in hast. Y. r Friend & Serv. 1 

N. Appleton. 

I have not had a line from } r ou since you left Salem. 

(Directed) To Mr. Oliver Wendell, Merch. 4 

In Boston. 

(Endorsed) Salem, March 30. th 1775. 

N. Appleton's Letter. 

Salem, Apr. 10. th Monday Morn. s 
S. r 

Having so good an opp.° of writing by Deacon Boyn- 
ton, I improve it to let you know I wrote you particularly 
last Saturday by the young man that lives with Mr. 
Benj. n Andrews, to which I hope to receive a reply this 
forenoon, I want your opinion of Drawing and whether as 
much as we can. I understand several 1 are moving, let 
me know what you purpose to do, and all other particu- 
lars that occur to your mind. I am exceeding anxious 
about the Congress. I heartily pray you may be di- 
rected to that which God will bless for the deliverance of 
America from her present troubles, & tho' at present 
there is an impenetrable darkness that involves us, yet I 
have strong faith that light will yet arise. I have all ways 
seem. d to think it would come from some unexpected 
quarter ; let us trust and pray & do our duty & leave the 
event. Y. r Friend, 

N. A. 

(Endorsed) Mr. Nath. 1 Appleton's Letter. 



Salem 15. th April, 1775. 
S. r 

Hope you had a good journey & are better in health. 
Yesterday arrived Cap. 1 Collings from Lond. n brings 
some interesting news, inclosed is some of the particulars 
taken off by Mr. Hall who had the papers but a short 
time. The Charm seems to be broke, how far we shall 
be able to comply with the requisitions can't say, but 
hope something will arrise out of it that will restore 
peace ; by present appearances our Port is to remain shut, 
but I can't think our friends in England will be easy 'till 
they git the Port open. I believe we shall have no fight- 
ing this season. I have rec. d a letter from Harrisons, 
they had not sold the Oil 13. th Jan. y Bro. Haven deliv- 
ered that Letter to Mr. Wentworth which offer'd him 
credit & Mr. Wentworth has wrote us since & sent for 
50 Boxes. I shall draw on G. Hayley for £200 sterl.e 
fav. d [A. T.] & Rogers ; shall git £200 L. M.° insured on 
Oil in Brown, hope to hear from you soon. I have wrote 
incoherent as I am in great haste. Mrs. Dock wood the 
bearer just going away and I preparing [ ] last 

night that [ ] day — Mr. J.— [ ] 

we are all pre [ ]. 

(Directed) To Mr. Oliver Wendell 

at Mr. Jon. Jackson's 

In Newburyport. 

(Endorsed) Salem, April 15. th 1775 

N. Appleton's Letter. 

Salem May l. st 1775. 
Dear S. r : 

I wrote you yesterday, but in so much hast 1 don't 
recollect what I wrote. Lidia, your young woman, came 
to us last night, & Mingo who informs me that the Works 
are stoped as Mrs. Phillips had the old horse the day 
after the battle to send ab.* her children and could not 
git in again. Nicol's is working up the refined stuf. I 
should be glad of your advice where it will be best to 
place our candles & movable stock. As to Cap.* Erving, 


he nor anybody else will take the charge & risque of any 
comoclity in town. I am think. g that your house will be 
as safe as anywheres to put the Candles in, and put the 
loos cakes into somebody's cellar so as to divide our 
property. I wrote Mr. Russell of Charlestown some 
days ago, desiring him to buy the Oil & made him out a 
Bill of parcells, he sent me word he will do all he can to 
have it secured as Oil for the public. Mingo will give 
you more particulars of the Town than I can ; the Select- 
men have constantly the Ear of the General & it seems 
he puts his greatest confidence in them. I believe he 
puts all the blocks in the way he can to prevent the In- 
habitants coming out as he supposes them to be his great- 
est security — shall expect a line from you [as soon] as 
possible, we are all pretty well. 

Y. r Friend & Servant 
— often think — [ ] Nath. 1 Appleton. 

oves [ ] 

(Directed) To Mr. Oliver Wendell at Newburyport. 

My d. r Friend : 

James Lovell writes from 

Boston May 3. J 

I wish my Friend you was at Cambridge. 
Y. r Spirits would be exhilarated and y. r Health conse- 
quently mended. I know not where you are, but upon 
your special Direction I will write to you once or twice a 

Give my best Respects to Mrs. W and my Love 

to y. r d. r Children. Mrs. Lovell has suffered extremely 

i in the Head, fears a fixed Disorder there, but is I hope 
only suffering thus thro Weakness. My Family is yet 

i w. th me. 4 Children are prepared to go away, and M. r8 
Lovell w. th the rest will follow when able, if I so judge 
proper. I am not yet ripe to determine, /shall tarry 
if 10 Seiges take place. I have determined it to be a 
Duty which I owe the Cause & the Friends of it, and am 


perfectly fearless of the Consequences. An ill Turn, of 
a most violent Diarhea, from being too long in a damp 
place, has confirm'd Doct/ Gardners advice to me not 
to go into the Trenches, where my whole Soul lodges 
nightly. How then can I be more actively serviceable to 
the Friends who think with me, than by keeping disa- 
greeable post among a Set of Villains who would will- 
ingly destroy what those Friends leave behind them. 

Once more, about y. r Health. Newbury is not a place 
for you. The people there are in Fears like Boston 
Folks. Come to Cambridge and recruit y. r Spirits. 
Think as little as you can about any other Thing but the 
future happy Days of America, which are fast coming up 
the great wheel. 3 times 30 Days will make a Sampson 
of you, if you will only patch yourself up for the present. 
Will Britain see that we count Seaports and all the Mer- 
chandize they contain of no Value in Comparison of our 
Eights ; that w T e fly to the Country with them and dare 
her to invade them there ; and will she madly persist in 
the present Humour? What is America to her more 
than the habitable Moon if Commerce ceases? 3 times 
30 days will inform us of her Recovery. Why should 
Boston be the Seat of Government? Why not the great 
Menadnock? We act as if Commerce and not Acres was 
our Foundation. Cheer up my D. r Sir you shall be 
Member for one of those Towns where your Oaks stand 
unmolested by the covetous haughty yet base and spend- 
thrift Parliament of Britain. The Villains in this Town 
hang their Heads like Bullrushes while the honest Beggar 
walks erect. 

You must be sure of y. r Bearer if you write any Thing 
that must be under Seal whether private or public in its 

Adieu for the present 

J. L. 

(Direction) To M r Oliver Wendell 
with Dispatch 

(Endorsed) James Lovells Letter. 


May 5. th 

I have wrote to you lately in a circumstantial Man- 
ner, but such Impediments rise from one Hour to another 
to prevent a free Egress, that I am doubtful whether 
that Letter has yet left Town ; Balch had it ; he goes for 
England with M. r Sollicitor, oh ! and M. r Amory"& wife, 
and many others male & female the middle of next week. 
Brother Harry Hill takes Charge of this ; therefore upon 
a Certainty of its reaching you, I charge you, by your 
own Worth, that you visit Salem & Cambridge. The 
first, to converse with Brother Appleton ; upon which you 
will feel yourself so greatly mended as to carry you to 
Cambridge for full Eecovery. I feel happier on Saloop 
and water Gruel, with the present glorious publick Pros- 
pect, than I ever did full of roast Beef & Wine, while, 
there remained a Chance of the Establishment of Tyranny 
on the horrid ministerial Plan, which has brought us to 
this Crisis. Pray Doctor, 15 come nearer ; come where no 
Fear is. 

4 o'Clock P. M. 

Balch has passed the Lines. He said, when he had 
once accomplish'd That, he would cry out "I made my 
Prayer to thee from the Depths of Hell ; thou hast heard 
& delivered me." There has been the most scandalous 
dishonourable, Shilly Shally Conduct towards the Citizens 
that can be conceiv'd of; the General is truly worthy of 
his Post & Errand. 

/had the Club last Evening; it cost you but one Bottle 
of Madeira, as they seem'd determin'd to finish off Doct/ 
Jos's Raspberry. Noses counted against me, but they 
were stuck upon drooping Heads & I will leave it to 
Balch if you meet him, whether I did not stop all their 
Mouths as fully by Argument, as by Beef & Cheese. 

I have omitted all Mention hitherto of what has been 
near the Nib of my Pen often. I cannot refrain longer. 
I wish you may view it as I do. 

'Tis glorious to dye for one's Country. Our Friend 

15 A familiar name applied to him in College. 


Quincy died by thinking for it, as much as any one has 
lately died by fighting for it. And thro' the Merits of 
the Mediator he is doubtless happy in his Exit. The 
guilty living are the only Objects of Pity ; I sincerely 
hope & believe the Number of such is exceedingly small, 
in Comparison of the mighty Legions of the frail. 

Do let me speedily hear from you ; and besides a mi- 
nuteness concerning y r own affairs, let me know the State 
of y r Brothers Family. Direct to my Friend Joseph 
Trumbull Esq. r Commissary General at Cambridge, and 
give him a Line about Secresy of Conveyance. I write 
& hear freely & Safely tho' I know of a Deal of Negli- 
gence in the Matter of Letters. 

Make a thousand Enquiries, I will do my best to 
answer them, tho' it will go against my Grain to do a 
Thing which may make you less likely to come to Head 
Quarters, by satisfying y. r Curiosity in part, where you 

Adieu my Friend for the present, for I will not tell 
you what it is only fit you should receive from the Mouth 
of y r Brethren at Cambridge. 

J. L. 

(Endorsed by Oliver Wendell) M. r LovelPs Letter. 

Salem, May 8. th 1775. 
Mr. Wendell : 

S. r : I rec. d yours p. r Mr. Prentiss. Note 
what you say of So. Battery, but I think it safer to have 
our effects dispersed ; we shall be obliged to have a quan- 
tity of Oil there & all our Works. Mr. Cooms did not 
give his note hand. Mr. Will.™ Coombs is charged in 
the Books Feb.* 7. th 1775, £ 32. 16. 7. Mr. Jn.° Cooms 
gave a receipt for the Candles on ace. 1 of his brother, 
which he may think was a note of hand. I have given 
credit for £ 24. 8. I understand some Tories or Officers 
have attempted to take possession of your House, but 
Master James Lovell has prevented, & as I hear, lodges 
there himself. I don't know why Voax is not there. 
I find it grows extreme difficult to get out of town. 


Mr. Walley writes me he has been trying a week with 
all his diligence & can't effect it. We had the same al- 
larm at Salem that yon had, many expecting them every 
moment, but I gave no credit to so unlikely a story, and 
felt very calm. How long it will remain is uncertain, but 
1 much doubt whether they will make any further attempt. 
No troops yet from England ; a few have arrived from 
Halifax; a number of N. Yorkers have recanted, even 
Rivington has acknowledged that he has been hired to 
falsify and counteract all our measures and begs the fa- 
vour of the public. N. York rises high. L. d North told 
Mr. Quincy that he had no great faith in the Measures, 
but he must pursue 'em and try the event. He told him 
Hutchinson had missed it in his politicks. I must just 
drop a tear with you over Bro. Quincy, a short, but I 
hope a usefull life ; he told Cap. 1 Lyde he longed to hear 
there had been a Battle. Manduit writes Hallowell an 
intercepted Letter, Mch. 3. d , I saw, that he hoped "ere 
this reaches you some of your Leaders will have felt the 
power of Parliament &c." from whence it is strongly sus- 
pected they had a design upon A s & H k. 

Connecticut Govern.* have voted 6000 men upon the 
same footing as our men. Our men inlist very fast, hope 
you New Hampshire men will act your part well. Man- 
duit says Mr. Hutchinson strove hard to git an exclusive 
privilege for the friends of Govern. 1 but could not. Mr. 
Triscott of Dorchester has been at Salem & bro.* Sharper 
with him in hopes to see you here, but finding you so far 
of, determined to return, but Mr. Triscott said he should 
be glad to have the black Children taken from him as he 
expected to remove farther back and they would be cum- 
brance to him in git g into a family, therefore thought it 
would be best for Sharper to go back and find a place for 
himself and children, but then he wanted a credit from me 
i to enable him to git such a place, supposing you would 
like it, I gave him a pass and requested that some person 
would take them in & keep them on as cheep a lay as 
they can including Sharper's work 'till further orders, & 
engaged in your behalf that all necessary charges should 
be paid. If you disapprove of this give me early notice 


& I can write Mr. Triscott and prevent the operation of 
it. This day we have a large emission of Recantations 
from Marblehead Viz. 1 King Hooper and all his family, 
Messrs. Marston, White, Foul, Gallison, Lewis, Bowen, 
&c, &c, lament. g their errors. engag. g their lives & for- 
tunes ill the service of their injured Country. This I 
take to be voluntary. There is not now a resident 
Addressor in Marblehead, hope Salem will follow their 
example. You have doubtless seen the resolve of Con- 
gress that Gen. Gage has disqualified himself to be Gov- 
ernor of this Province & therefore no obedience is clue 
unto him, but to be avoided as an Enemy to the Colony, 
this I take to be the Revolution oj 1 775. God of his 
infinite mercies grant that those who steer the Ship of 
State may have wisdom to conduct her safe to the Haven 
of peace & the best civil Government. Am sony you 
are settled so far from us. What think you of ship. g our 
remaining Oil to Lond.° by Cap. 1 Coffin. Poet Joseph 
Green & Lady, Messrs. Jn.° Amory & wife, Jos. Green 
Jun. & wife, Jos. Barrell & wife & Neighbor Balch &c, 
&c, have taken passage in Calahan for London ; many to 
Halifax, Nantucket, Kenebeck River, all parts of Con- 
necticut, &c, &c. It is like the dispersion of the Jews. 
Our love to you all. 

N. A. 

Charlestown May 9. th 1775. 
S. r , 

I got here last Sabath day, since which IVe wrote twice 
to Master Lovell. In answer to my first he writes me 
that he choses to have me to assist him in Removeing your 
furniture & that he would Apply to the Generall for a 
pass for me if I would come in to Town, upon which I 
wrote him that if he could obtain a pass & repass for me 
that I would come in, in Answer to which he wrote me 
this Forenoon that the General promis'd that he would 
send Orders to the Ferry for me to pass & repass with 
your Goods & I now am waighting for the pass to go into 
Town. Shall do the best for you in my Power. M. rs 
Phillips was here this morn. g She & all here are well ; she 


wants to see you very much. She has got your Works 
Horse. She has got a House somewhere in Watertown. 
All friends this way are well. Inclos'd are letters from 
Master Lovell which I suppose will give you a particular 
account of your affairs. I took an Account of your things 
in Lynn. Harris continues [at the] Island & sells to 
every one that comes [ ] being waiting for this 

Obliges me to conclude. [Please] to give my regards to 
M. rs Wendell & accept the same yourself & Beiieve me 
to be your friend & Humb le Serv. 1 

H. Prentiss. 
N. B. I have Mingo here with me. 

(Directed) To M/ Oliver Wendell 

To be left at M. r Jon. a Jackson 
(Endorsed) Charlestown May 9, 1775. 

H. Prentiss Letter. 

D. r Sir 

There is such a severe Scrutiny at the Ferry that 
what Trunks are in the House must be opened there. On 
which Ace. 1 and the Infirmity of my Health, I have got 
M. r Prentiss to consent to come over upon the General's 
granting Pass & Eepass. 

His Intimacy in y r Family will warrant my Opening y r 
Pacages to take out any Thing which may have been put 
up by accident that can be called Merchandize, which you 
are now to learn is not comprehended in the Term Effects. 

Very little of y. r Furniture can be sent, I think, under 
such hourly-increasing Embarrassments. 

Y. r Bedding & Trunks with useful Furniture rather than 
the best must be chosen. The best will be grossly abused. 

I this Minute have yours of the 4. th I wish you would 
refer to any of my Letters rec. d by naming the Date of 
I th 11 A. M. J. s Lovell. 

(Directed) M. r Oliver Wendell 

at Newbury 
(Endorsed) M. r Lovell's Letter. 

The following is a copy of his petition for a pass. 

To his Excellency 
General Gage 

May it please your Excellency to allow 
One personally a Stranger and of a Mixt Character, like 
the Generality of the World, to present himself thus to 
y r Excellency's Eye, as a grateful Man, and in Conse- 
quence, as one firmly attach'd to the Interest of a most 
benevolent Citizen, Neighbor, & Friend — M. r Oliver 

Greatly shocked by a Nervous Disorder M. r Wendell 
was trying a Change of Air at Newbury, prior to the late 
Obstruction of Intercourse with this Town ; his Domestics 
have since fled from apprehended Danger ; and his Effects 
are taken under Watch of y r Excellency's Petitioner who 
is also of very infirm Health. 

M. r Henry Prentiss, a Partner in some Degree of Busi- 
ness with M. r Wendell, having just arriv'd from a forreign 
Voyage is at present in Charlestown. Your Excellency 
is therefore most humbly & earnestly iutreated to permit 
said Prentiss to pass into Boston and to repass with the 
Effects mentioned, Arms, Ammunition and Merchandize 
excepted ; or to grant your Suppliant the Honor of a 
Moment's Interview that he may confirm the above, and 
alledge fresh Circumstances in Support of his Prayer. 

For such Token of y. r Excellency's Compassion to 
Himself and Justice to his Suffering Friend, your Peti- 
tioner, as in Duty bound, will ever pray. 

Mem dum 

A small dressing Glass in Trunk No. 1 in a Blanket 
half way down ; and a Pane of Looking Glass in the same 
Trunk or the Cedar Chest. In the same Trunk are Bed 
Screws & Winch. 

In are 

2 P.* Cans mark.* at Bottom I ^ S 
1 large P. fc Porringer . . EH 


1 Pepper Box . . . . \^ \] 

1 Lamp 4 Stamps 

1 Sui> r Ton^s no mark 

2 large Spoons I Sy mines M I 
1 do I Clark O W 
1 do W C S+P 

do Hard 


1 do T. Edwards 

E 1 

M 15 
1 do IE E T 

4Tea do | £ « 

3 do O. W. 

1 p r Shoe Buckles square open-work. 

My d. r Friend 

I now take up my Pen to write to you more 
particularly, than in the Morning, on the Article of Em- 
barrassments. Such a Trifle as a little Oatmeal or Starch 
in a Paper is looked upon as unpassable being ranged 
under the Head of Provision, which it seems lays at the 
Arbitrium of the Searcher, who is a refugee from N. 
York, placed at the Ferry ; while good Benj. a Davis per- 
forms the same offices at y e Lines upon the Neck. Thus 
you see it will be impossible to send you anything eatable 
or drinkable, therefore you will be quite particular in 
Answer to my former Hints. 

It seems impossible that Matters can remain long in 
such a Situation as the present. God knows what will 

i be the next Alarm, but I trust He will direct it in Favor 
of the oppressed. 

Upon a Second Look I find y. r Letter rec. d by me w r as 

1 written 2 days before M. r Prentice left you, perhaps in 
that Time you rec. d one of mine. By y. r recommending 


that I sh. d strow y. r Garden with Something usefull you | 
think it will not be taken from you. You surely are not 
in the Thought of paying Rent for it as a Store for the 
Remnant of y r Goods which may be left in it. Most j 
probably Laughton will strive to let it to some of the 
high governmental Men. 

I wish you would follow me with a Line daily as Things j 
may happen to occur to you. I will do you all the Ser- i 
vice in my Power, and conform strictly to y r Directions. I 

Mrs. Lovell begins to mend ; her alarming sweats les- 1 
sen. 'Tis a miserable little Baby in comparison of her 
former ones ; but that is not to be wonder'd at, consider- 
ing it as hitherto nurtured by Anxiety. 

If I succeed in getting much the greater Part of y. r j 
Effects away and a tollerable Tory should have the Pro- i 
tection of the Remainder ; and if M. r Balche's & Doctor I 
Gardner's Matters go on well, and 20 more ifs take Place, 
I cannot say but that my Wife will persuade me to turn 
Farmer ; but it will not be in the Neighbourhood of this i 
Place. One of the ifs is, if I am not in the black List, I 
which I have the best Reason to suspect is past Doubt 
against me. 

Present m} r best Regards to M. rs Wendell and tell your 
young Folks I remember them with Love. I thought 
Mart. Brimmer would have been able to give me account 
of you thro' M. r Jackson ; but I am disagreeably con- 
vinced of the Contrary. I hope M. r Jackson is not I 
confined. If he is well he can certainly pick up Carryers 
at such a Time as This. You must however <*ive us no I 
State Matters; for 'tis but "you are the General's Pris- I 
oner," and whip! away to the Man of War; as is the 
Case of poor John Peck. I carry 'd him Breakfast to 
main Guard yesterday, and again this Morning but he 
was carry'd off last Evening and put on Board Ship. 
Inquisitorial this ! 

your affectionate Neighbor. 
May 9. th 4 p. m. May 10. th p. m. 

(Directed) For M. r Oliver Wendell 

at Newburyport. 

(Endorsed) James Lovell's Letter. 


Charlestown May 12. th 1775. 
Dear Sir, 

I've been here ever since last Sabath day waiting 
for a Pass into Town or for your things to come over 
neither of which I am able to obtain yet. Master Lovcll 
wrote me last Evening that he had y e Promise of a Pass 
for me which I believe is all I shall get. The trouble & 
Difficulty of getting a Pass is much greater than I cou'd 
possibly Conceive, & cou'd a Pass be obtained I shou'd 
almost as lives (did the furniture belong to me), leave it 
in the Town to take the common fate of things there. I 
must beg you to take a ride this way I think your inter- 
est demands it. I would not desire you to come this way 
if there was the least danger. You may come to Charles- 
town with the Greatest safety. Coll. Marshall sent over 
here to know what Stock you had upon the Island, upon 
which I sent Mingo to the Island to bring an account to 
me. He tells me M. r Harris is very uneasy, the people 
from the Men of War frequently go to the Island to Buy 
fresh Provision, his own safety obliges him to sell to 
them, on the other Hand the Committee of Safety have 
thretned if he sells anything to the Army or Navy, that 
they will take all the Cattle from the Island, & our folks 
tell him they shall handle him very rufly. M. rs Phillips 
Furniture came over the Day before yesterday, & M. rs 
Hunt came with them. Our other friends are still con- 
iin'd in Town but enjoy good Health. Inclosed is a Let- 
ter from blaster James Lovell. Please to present my 
best regards to M. rs Wendell & accept the same yourself, 
& Love to M. r Ned and Miss Sally. Y. r friend &c. 

H. Prentiss. 

(Directed) To M. r Oliver Wendell 

To be left att M. r Jon. a Jacksons 
Newbury Port. 

(Endorsed) Charlestown, May, 1775 

H. Prentiss Letter. 


Charlestown May 13. tb , 1775. 

I wrote you Yesterday by the Stage & inclos'd a Letter 
from Master Lovell, which will be left at M. r Jackson's 
for you. I've been waiting here ever since Sunday last 
in expectation of a Pass into Boston. My Patience is 
quite worn out, but from what Master Lovell wrote me 
last Evening I expect to have my Pass this morning. I 
wish you'd come here yourself. I would not desire it if 
I did not think you might come with safety, but I think 
there is not the least Danger. If you do not incline to 
come please to write me where I shall send your furniture 
when I get it out of Town. Direct your Letters to be 
left at Woarts Tavern to the care of M. r Andrew Brim- 
mer who keeps there. Please to give my regards to M. rs 
Wendell & accept the same yourself & believe me to be 
your friend 

H. Prentiss. 

(Endorsed) Charlestown May 17, 1775. 

H. Prentiss Letter. 

Salem, May 18. th 1775. 
D. r S. r 

Inclosed are sundry Letters rec. d at sundry times & 
forwarded by the first opp.° I have rec. d a Letter from 
Mr. Prentiss who has got back again to Charlestown. He 
informs me that some of your Goods are coming by Water 
to Marblehead. I am going over to [see] ab. 4 them & 
some of my own. Shall be glad you'd send me word 
what you. d have done with your goods. I cannot yet 
learn how we are like to succeed ab.* giting out our Can- 
dles. There has been a very great fire at Boston last 
night but don't yet learn the particulars but in generall 
that it broke out near draw-bridge & consumed many 
buildings ; some say 30, some say 100, oh poor Boston ! 
We are pretty well, but think of removing if we could 
fix upon a good place. We want to avoid the extremes 
of a seaport & too great obscurity. We have so many 
articles of News every hour I don't know which to write 


you. Hallifax have burnt the Kings Hay & attempted 
the Dock yards. Dartm.° have taken a Cutter & got the 
sailors and marines prisoners. S.° Carolina seized ab.* 
1000 small arms with some ammunition. A Dutch ship 
arrived at New York with military stores for the Colonies, 
got all safe on shore. Ticonderoga taken with a large 
train of artilery. 3 or 4 transports arrived at Boston, 
part of a fleet of 6 Ships with ab. 4 800 troops ; 4000 are 
destined to N. York. D. r Franklyn arrived at Philadel- 
phia. Several fishermen been taken out of inward & 
outward bound vessells. Yrs. with great regard to your 

N. A. 16 

Boston May 26. th 1775. 

I was a thinking to stay in Boston till I had work up 
all the stuff that is Refin. d and then to leave the Town, 
for I can't any ways content myself to stay in Town for 
their is not anything to do at the works that makes it 
worth while to open it. I don't take money enough to 
pay for my board. M, r Hughes has Left his business in 
George Erving's hands which is the Reason that no body 
dos call at the works for Candles. Your Stores at Fort 
hill Remain as you left them. M. rs Hovey is going out 
of Town & J[enn]y is going with her. M. r Mines has 
been about the Oil and he be glad if M. r Russell would 
not want him to take more Oil than is for him Self, for 
their will be a disadvantedg attend it. I cant Pay Collo. 1 
M[arshall] at present. Mother is gone & your house is 
emty. I will tell Voax to Move in it directly. I have 
been to work at M. r White's off & on some time & have 
got some more to do. As their is but Little work to do 
at the works I shall be glad you would Let me know 
about [shu]ting it up, for the Provision that I get I can 
not content my Self upon and being discontented withall 
I find it is too much to withstand. Be kind enough to 
Let me know what I shall doe with the works. I call. d 

16 (No directioa or endorsement.) 


at M. r Constable & he says that he has not any business 
to do & he can not pay that Rent any ways for he clos not 
business enough to find him in Provision & he thinks as 
people are glad to git anybody that will take care of their 
houses to live in them Rent free he hopes that you wdl 
consider him in these times. 

John Nicoll. 
(Directed) To M. r Nath. 1 Appleton 


(Endorsed by O. W.) Boston May 16 th 1775 

John Nicoll to N. Appleton. 

My good Friend Wendell 

I write much in a Hurry and shall ! 
therefore be short. Mad' 11 A 1 ford has sent for the Key of j 
her Trunk. She is at Reading. M. r Prentice must have {< 
deliver'd it to you, if it was' not left by him at the Widow I 
Stevens's in Charlestown : about which Enquiry shall be 
made before this is sent to you. 17 

M. r Nichols has left the Key of the Works with me. 1 
I am ready for all y r orders within my Capacity. 

1 have placed every Thing remain. g of y r Furniture | 
snugly away in Chests, Boxes & Trunks in my own dry 
boarded Cellar; if there is a possibility of sending you j] 
any Thing useful, name it, and I can easily lay my Hand j 
upon some small Package which contains it. 
Yrs. Affectionately 

J. s L 11. 

June 6. th i 

Brother Appleton 

By seing M. 1 * Nichols you will know the 
exact state of y 1 ' matters, and you are already assured of ; 
my services. Is Jn.° safe with you? 

17 In the margin it ie stated that the key was " not to be found at Mrs. Stevens's.' 1 


The above letter from James Lovell was directed to 
"Mess. 18 Nath. 1 Appleton & Co. at Salem." Mr. Apple- 
ton re-directed it to "M. r Oliver Wendell to the care of 
M. r Jonathan Jackson, merch.* in Newburyport." 

Saturday Noon. 
My d. r Neighbour 

Jnst after I wrote yon last Doct. 1 ' Morris 
Phisician of the Army an Elderly Gentleman took the 
House, and was so complaisantly pressing to come in 
that I work. d all night from yesterday Noon, and admitted 
him at 10 this morning. He wishes to have the Furni- 
ture committed to his Care, nay is willing to pay for it, 
and makes the strongest Promises of the extremest Care. 
I think what I have left is better there than carry'd to 
JefFries's, my House or the Store. I think giving the use 
a much greater Security against Abuse than letting. I 
therefore told Him that I would leave as p. 1 ' Mem dum for 
the present, for which he is greatly thankful, but that I 
should attend y r Order respecting all or any Part. As to 
that "He shall be very thankful for present use, as it will 
give Opp° to provide if y. r Commands make it necessary." 

"Your Desk & Case shall have the same Care as if the 
Papers were his own or I may remove it at my pleasure, 
if free access is too troublesome to me." 


Voulks was out a-Fishing & I intirely forgot Jacob so 
that my own School Runners perform'd the whole ; and I 
assure you without breaking 6 <l value of any sort. I had 
the House swept from Garret to Cellar removing every 
Thing new & old but the following. 

In the front room. 

Wax Work & chimney Glass each with Branches, a 
Look. g Glass, a marble slab, a Card Table, a Japan Tea 
Table, a mahog. y stand, Desk & Case, 10 Chairs, 2 China 
Vases, a Japan Plate Tripod, a Lead" Cooler, 2 Family 
Pictures, a Lamp Tea Kettle. 



In the Entry. On the Stairs. 

A Glass Lanthorn. An oval Japan Tea Table. 

Middle Room. 
A Clock, a Breakfast Table, a Desk, a Look g Glass, 1 
Familjr Picture, 8 Metzitintos, 1 Fuelling & 4 small red 
leather Chairs, 1 Hearth Brush. 


3 Trammels, 1 p. r H. d Irons, 1 p. r roast. g do., 1 Jack, 
2 Spits, 1 Dripping Pan, 1 Gridiron, 1 Shovel & Tongs, 
1 Fender, 1 Warm 8 Pan, 1 fry. g d.°, 1 Checker Board 
&c., 17 1 Jack for Boots, 1 Barn Lanthorn, 1 Bread [Pul], 
1 flesh Fork, 1 Iron spoon, 6 scewers, £i large & small 
pine Table, 1 Brass Kettle, 1 large & 1 small iron Pot, 1 
Dish Kettle, 1 Stew pan, 2 long Brushes & a Broom, 1 
short Brush & Dirt pan, 1 large wooden mortar, 1 flat tin 
& 2 iron Candlesticks, salt-Box, 1 p. r Snuffers, 1 Tobacco 
Jar, 1 large Lead. 11 d.° (found in the Kitchen Loft), 2 
folding Boards. 

In the front Chamber. 

1 Chest of Drawers & Table alike, 1 looking Glass, 6 
Chairs covered with Check (1 broken in the closet with 
p. ts of the Bed ornament [and] the Family Arms 1S ), 1 
Coach top Tester with easy Ch. r like it, 1 folding screen, 
M. r Jacksons Picture & a Thermometer. 

In the Entry. 
Chest [on] Chest of Draws, Mehogony Fire Screene. 

In the middle Chamb. r 
Chest 19 of Draws & Table alike, 1 Look. g Glass, 5 
Chairs red covered with Callicoe, 1 Hearth Brush, 1 
Family Picture, 1 red Coach Top Tester. 

Kitchen Chamber. 
1 Chest of Draws, 1 Easy & 3 small red Chairs, 1 

"There is another copy of this inventory, in Lovell's handwriting, in which is 
entered instead of " &c." " & checkers." 

is in the other copy " the Family Coat of Arms." 
1<J In the other copy "Japan Chest." 


Look.* Glass, 1 Pine table, I p. r II. d Irons. In the Closet 
an old Cabinet & 5 mingos & a Bed pan. a View of the 

1 st upper ChambJ 
1 Conch, 1 armed, 1 Fudling, 1 low leather, & 1 flag 
Chair, 1 Pine Table, map of new Yk, Chest of ace. 1 Books 
lock. 1 & an old Trunk of Books in the Closet. 

2 d Chamber. 
1 Bedstead & Bed & old green Coverlid. 

3 d Chamb. r 
Pallet Bedstead & 2 Cots, 1 Bed & bedstead, 4 red 
leather Chairs alike, 1 Pine Table, 32 metzitintos, 4 
painted on Glass, 1 Sampler & 2 views. 

Cellar Stairs, a Candle Box. 

A Cloath's Horse, a Bread Trough, 5 Greese Pots, 
pickling Tubs, a few Casks & a Beer Barrel, wash. g Tubs. 

• In the Shed. 
1 Fish Kettle, 1 Dining Leaf. 

In the Wood House. 
1 Cloaths Horse, 1 Window Ladder, 1 Washing Bench, 
iron bound Water Cask & 3 other Vessels for Water. 

I have given the Gentleman an Inventory. He prom- 
ises 10 fold Recompence for Damage, appears mightily 
pleased with appearances and the Landlord, prays for you 
to come in upon the present Tenant quitting. 

He is a very grave Gentleman w. th a very small Family. 

You will see that I consulted a mixture of use & orna- 
ment tho' the former in very small proportion. If either 
you or y r Lady chose to have me remove any particular 
Thing or all, I will do it instantly. Especially give me 
Diriction ab. 1 the Desk & Book Case whether you would 
have me trust any of the Papers there or move all out of 
the Desk and leave the Book Case or take the whole 


Home & send my own Desk to fill the Place. I must do 
that or send D. r Gardner's for want of good Room, either 
of which I can do and will sooner than you shall have the 
least Uneasiness ab.* the Papers remaining or being mixt 
by moving, or I can remove the Book Case as it is and 
leave y. T Desk standing if the Papers of the Desk may 
be moved more easily than the others. You know I can 
take a Draw at a Time and lay them in the same mannl 
into D. 1 ' Gardners. 

I am now ready for the Commands of young master & 
miss as you will see by my next Invoice. I have pack'd 
every Thing of China Glass in small assorted Packages 
which are then to be put into lock't Chests in my Cellar. 

I can give you a Specimen 
Box No. 1 cont. g several different Boxes Ned, Sally & 

2 Pamphlets. 

Apotheeaiy's Shop chiefly. 

Trunk 1 Variety of Light Things the Draw being full of 
2 China & Glass the Draw fill. d w. th light Things. 

No. 4 Indian Box Cake Pans & illumination molds, 
both reserved for our coming Days of Amer- 
ican Jubilee. 

No. 5 5 Burnt china Punch Bowls 

1 Sugar Pot & 5 Coffee Cups 

3 blue & white Tea Pots 

1 burnt & 4 blue & white breakfast Bowls 
6 bl. & wh. Patties 1 burnt Saucer 
&c. &c. 
I rejoice at hearing by Appleton that you are better. 
Do let me know Something ab. 1 Prentice & Gardner, how 
have they sojourned? 

I think to put a Brass Shovel & Tongs in the Front & 
Iron d.° in the middle Parlor. 

N. B. 80 Boxes of S. C. to Butler's Row Counting 

(Directed) To M. r Oliver Wendell or Mess/ 3 Appleton 
& Co. at Salem. To Care of Joseph Trumbull, Esq. 
(Endorsed) Boston, James Lovell. Received June 26. th 


The following fragment of a letter in LovelFs hand- 
writing appears to have been written at about the date of 
the above letter : 

I shall follow }'. r Direction in all Things when I can 
get it, and [use] conscientious Discretion till I have the 
Pleasure of hearing from you. 

And now, D. r S. 1 ', as to the most important Point. Be 
confident in the Deity, throw of an anxiety which is evi- 
dently undermining y r Health. This Country, nay this 
very Town will soon rise to Glory and Peace from its 
present Condition; therefore take the best Care of y r 
Health, that you may yet again as heretofore be a great 
public Ornament and private Blessing. 

God Almighty defend & cherish you & all yours ; to 
whom pray name me & my wishes. 

The following letter has no date : 

It is my great Misfortune in my Desires to Serve you 
that I cannot frequently have y. r Directions. Tho. s Voax 

is in Possession of the House in G s Lane; but the 

natural Consequences of the indiscrete Disposal of the 
Key took place before his Entrance. It seems some Man 
of War's men broke in last Saturday Evening, and went 
directly up into the Garret Chamber forcing off the Bolt 
of it, and then broke open the only one place of which 
M. r Dove had not the Key, without entering airy of the 
lower Chambers. They turird Things up side down, and 
forced the Lock of a Box of Papers ; whether they stole 
any Thing much or little I cannot judge. I think it is 
probable all the muster did not end in Breakage alone. 
Had I been one Moment later the Lady Tenant the sober 
Friend of M. r D. would have been gone clear off. I 
arrived just in Time to receive her sacred assurances of 
Innocence. I acknowledge I should have thought her so 
if she had not let slip that neither M. r D. nor she knew 
what was in the Room because he had not the Key. If 
you recollect the Number & sort of Glasses or China and 
will mention it I shall be able to see whether the Room 


has not been thinned. I shall repair the Lock of the Box 
and put up the Papers in an orderly Way so as to give 
you some future ace.* of them. 

It has been utterly impossible to make the desired Re- 
moval of Stock. And, as to the Note of Hand to be 
discharged, the Proprietor of it is desirous of having 80 
Boxes or as many more as will pay the whole at 2 s 6. 
M. r Hewes let son George have a large Quantity at that 
Rate, who will keep up the Market at 2 s 8 I suppose. 
Having try'd in vain to get a Letter down to you to know 
whether you would consent, I consider with myself the 
Risque of the whole, and the corroding Nature of Inter- 
est, and the Length of Time which would naturally be" 
taken up in retailing the Quantity already fabricated, 
among the few Customers which I should obtain in the 
Face of so industrious a Merchant, and therefore have 
said I Avill deliver what are now on Hand at 2 s 6. I think 
to have more made as long as Custom can be found, 
which G. E. says is not to be had. Most on Hand 
were at 2 s 7 according to Directions left as to 3's 4's & 
5's so that I hope y r Approbation in the fall of a Penny. 
I hope for 2 d on every Box I may sell heareafter, as I 
know that is the determined Price of the expecting 
monopolizer. As to the past 2 only of 9 were Fives & 
therefore at 2 s 8. 

Whatever is not expeditiously done to serve you, you 
are charitably to put on the Page of Fate rather than In- 
dolence. Oil will not Sell. I have had it cooper'd & will 
watch it constantly. The Day Book sh. d not have been 
carry'd away. Smith the Lighter wants to settle with the 
Select Men. 

I have never had a Line from My dear Neighbour to 
disaprove my Conduct in Regard to Doc. 1 Morris. I hope 
he thinks as well therefore of the Proceeding as I con- 
tinue to do. 

The Bearer will see D. G r and will be instructed 

by you in the History of the little matters sent long since 
to y 1 ' care. 

Need I say I wish you & yours every Blessing? 

James Lovell. 


No mention was ever made to me by N s about the 

Chance of a Market hinted at by y r worthy Partner. 
(Endorsed) Boston J. Lovell. Letter to N. Applcton. 

Some of Mr. Lovcll's letters were intercepted and the 
information obtained from them proving his bitter hos- 
tility to the royal side rendered him particularly obnox- 
ious. He was imprisoned with John Leach, teacher of a 
navigation school, and Peter Edes, printer, June 29, 
1775. Leach and Edes kept journals which give an 
authentic and vivid account of the brutal treatment which 
they and their fellow prisoners received. They seem to 
have found nothing so hard to bear as the incessant 
"swearing and blasphemy" of the British officers and 
soldiers evidently intended for their annoyance. Leach's 
Journal is printed in the N. E. Hist. Gen. Reg., Vol. 
XIX, p. 255. Another letter, written by Lovell while 
imprisoned, Dec. 9, 1775, will be found below. 

The following letter was written by Mr. Appleton : 

Andover, June 21, 1775. 
Brother Pilgrim 

This informs you that (mother Rowlandson 
like) I have made a second remove, have got a very com- 
modious House, considering the times, about 2 miles from 
the grand country road — if you come to see me, take 
your directions of Mr. French, or if you write direct to 
his care. I have been hoeing my Potatoes & Beans 
to-day. You' d say bro. r Nat is in good spirits, but be 
assured extremely anxious for our public affairs. I went 
to Cambridge last fryday. Father remains poorly, but 
we removed him to y. r good Sister Phillips's that after- 
noon. Next day as wife & I were returning home thro' 
Cambridge met the Express going to Congress informing 
the regulars had Landed at Charlestown, we tacked 
about, went thro' Woburn to Salem & was constantly 
presented with the melancholy appearance of the tire at 


Charlestown. I must drop a tear over Bro. Warren. I 
could have wished he had never accepted the Military 
Character, not but that he was very capable, but being so 
capable ;n [other] Departments makes his loss greatly 
felt. These are dark circumstances, but not discouraoin£. 
I think we are right, tho' ill-deserving. The number 
slain on our part much less than first supposed, not ex- 
ceeding 60 or 70, while that of the enemy much larger. 
Oh, may our Good God yet preserve us & direct us in 
the present most important crisis. Hope you & Lady &c 
enjoy health. Hope bro. 1 * Jimmy will do something for 
us. Nicolls conduct has been odd at least. Late at 
night, Candle going out. Y. r Friend. 

Send word where the Chelsea head matter is, it ought 
to be removed. 

P. S. an old letter from J[immy] just come to hand. 

P. S. Father is coming to live with us, his Effects re- 
moved today. 

(Directed) To Mr. Oliver Wendell 

to the care of M. r Jonathan Jackson, Merch.* 
In Newburyport. 

(Endorsed) Andover June 21. st 1775. 

Chelsea 26 June 1775. 
M > Wendell 

Sir, The people in Chelsea have been & are 
now moving thear Effects away further back into the 
Country and it is the Opinion of all that we are in Dan- 
ger of another visit from the Regulars. I do wish if it 
is agreeable to your Judgment that you would give me 
Orders to Cary your Cattle further back for I am afraid 
that unless they are Remov'd you will loose them. I 
delivered two Cows according to your order. I have gott 
some people to go on the Island & how the Corn & pota- 
tose & Garden to the halves & I do design, God willing, 
to mow what I can. The Cow that was Sent up last 
Summer to M. Williams is Calved & the Calf is dead the 
Cow being hurt as I suppose. I should be Exceeding 
glad to be directed by you at this difficult time that I may 


know how to proceed for I should be Exceeding Sorry to 
sec any further loss to you. 

I am Sir your hum. l,le Serv.* W.™ Harris. 
P. S. I have brought one Cow & Calf up to M. r Up- 
hams. I have sold one calf to M. 1 ' Stowers, also sold 12(5 
of wool at 8 s 3. 

(Directed) To M. r Oliver Wendell in Kingstown. 

To the Care of M. r Appleton at Salem. 
(Endorsed) Chelsea 26 June 1775 W. m Harris Letter. 

The following list is in the handwriting of Henry Pren- 
tiss : 

Account of things at M. r Timothy Uphams 20 in Lynn. 

2 Feather Beds & Bolsters & 2 Pillows. 
Nancy's D.° 

3 Puggs & 2 p. r Blanketts. 

1 Trunk of Linnen that M. rs Wendell sent to Island. 

Bundle of Plate that M. rs Wendell pack. d up & sent 

to Island. 
1 Trunk with y e Island Linnen. 
1 Silver Porringer <fe Spoone. 

At M. r Joshua Che^evers. 
Box of Books. 
Bag of Papers in M. r Harris Ches[t]. 

Andover June 28. th 1775.' 
Dear S. r 

I have wrote you once (I think severall times) 
since I saw you last, but have rec. d none from you. We 
are settled in a commodious House tho' 2 J miles from the 

i meeting house on the Road to Dunstable. We see many 
of our Friends tho' we dont live very nigh any. My 
Father is at your Sister Phillips's. I went down last 

; Sabbath in hopes to bring him up to my House but found 

20 Timothy Upham of Sangus, weavev, was a brother of Jabez Upham of Brook- 
field, physician, Avho was the grandfather of the late Charles W. Upham of Salem 
(see N. E. Hist. & Gen. Register, Vol. xxiii, p. 37). 


him so weak that he could not bear removing, we fear 
he will leave us soon. I purpose to go tomorrow to 
Watertown. I have rec. d a Letter from bro. r Jimmy 
which [I] inclose yon. I believe he will be of great ser- 
vice to us, I pitty him, hope to reward him. Nicolls 
conducted very oddly. He left the key of my House 
with Dove who let in a woman of the army, who let in 
Men of Warr's men who have broke into my lock'cl 
Chamber as you see by J. L.'s Letter. Nicolls can't find 
the last Mem.° book (not the red one) in which all latter 
matters are enter. d He thought he brought it away in 
his pocket but can't find it. He came out with a young 
woman to whom (as John says) he pays his addresses; 
to this ace. 1 I would charitably ascribe his late conduct. 
You have never informed me exactly where our Head 
matter is that was carry . d to Chelsea. I want to remove. 
Do let me know where your sheep's wool is, & how much 
you have & what the price. I have some expectations of 
giting you a market. We are all pritty well, hope you 
& Family are so, but shall be glad to hear it. 

Y. r Friend, N. Appleton. 

(Directed) To M. r Oliver Wendell to the Care of 

Mess. 5 Jackson, Tracey & Tracey Merck. ts 

In New bury port. 

(Endorsed by O. W.) Anclover 28. th June 1775, 

N. Appleton's Letter. 

(Also endorsed) Monday noon Received & p. 1 ' first 
opp.° to be forwarded by your afF. te J. Jackson. 

Andover July 13. h 1775. 
S. r 

Having a good conveyance I improve it to write you. 
I presume you. 11 be at Concord notwithstanding M. r 
Al[onz°] Hill's timidity. I think it will be a slight 
upon the Congress not to have a considerable attendance, 
besides it will be a good opp.° of seeing a number of 
Friends. It you sett out very early Monday Morning 
you can git to my house to an early dinner & then w T e can 
proceed to Watertown or Concord that afternoon. It is 


said Gen. 1 Washington has laid some messages before our 
Congress from Gen. 1 Gage but what I can't learn. It is 
said Cap. 4 Darby is arrived & that the Parliament are 
summon. d , to meet immediately, how true I can't say. 
We are all pretty well, messenger just going, our best 
regards to yourself & good Lady &c. 

Y. r Friend & Servant, N. A. 

(Directed) To M. r Oliver Wendell 

In Kingston. 

(Endorsed) July 13. th 1775 N. Appleton. 

Andover Aug.* 16. th 1775. 
S. r 

Having opp.° to send to Newbury, improve it to let 
you know we are well. I hear* from Father yesterday. 
He continues to grow better. Mrs. Phillips family well. 
Do write me where you are & what about for I can't 
learn. Hope you possess. d yourself of molasses from 
Toppan &c. Query how stands our contract with Messrs. 
Tracey, about Rum. We were to take Rum in April. 
Are we benefited by the rise of it? If not our debt 
ought to be on interest. I hear there is a plan at Court 
for redeeming our friends out of Boston. 

Y. s N. Appleton. 

(Endorsed) Aug. 16. th 1775 N. Appleton's Letter. 

Andover Au<r. 28 1775. 


I was at Watertown last Saturday. Mrs. Phillips is 
desirous of seeing you ab. 1 your Bro. r Hunt who is at her 
House very unwell with his Daughters & Servant. She 
is at a loss how to accomodate them, wants to consult 
you. I have not heard from you for some time. I Rec. d 
a Letter last Saturday from Master Lovell who is still 
confined, but in good spirits. He writes me he has sold 
80 boxes & better than two tons Oil, paid Mr. Erving 21 

21 George Erving,. a loyalist merchant of Boston? (see Drake's Diet, of Am. Biog- 
raphy, p. 309). 


£280 & has more to pay him. The Works have been 
broken open once or twice but no great damage as he can 
loam. They took old Blls. Tubs, &c. &c. forYuel. Tho' 
Voaks also writes me a long Letter. He has the key and 
says he visits the Works every day & promises to take 
the best care he can, but proposes that we should appoint 
some person to manage our affairs while M. r Lovell is 
confined. I was in hopes you had wrote to M. r Brimmer 
when at Chelsea. I understand he is still in Boston. I 
think he would be a very proper person, it is said that it 
is necessary to give a Power of Attorney to some person. 
I shall be glad if you will come clown this way that we 
may consult what is proper to be done. Mr. Lovell inti- 
mates that he expects to be out soon, tryumphant over 
his Enemies & then hopes to serve us more effectual than 
before, not spending his time idlely schooling the children 
of a pack of Villians as he calls them. Gen. 1 Robinson 
has taken Possession of my House but can't learn whether 
he proposes to pay any Rent. Deacon Boynton not yet 
out. It is very sickly in Town, it is said more die weekly 
of the Inhabitants than when all the Inhabitants were 
there. M. r Scollay has lost his eldest son. 

Father was very clever last Saturday P. M. We are 
all pretty well, hope you and family are, hope to see you 
soon. Y r friend. 

N. Appleton. 

(Directed) To M. r Oliver Wendell 

In Kingston 

to be left at M. r Jn.° Appleton's 

In Haverhill 

(Endorsed) Andover 28 th Aug. 1775 N. A.'s Letter. 

Andover Sept. 28 1775. 
S. r 

I was at Newbury a few days after you & understood 
you did something with my Cocoa, but I could not learn 
what. I wish you'd write a line to Nicolls & direct him 
where it is, & order him to receive the Chocolat & put it 
up into Boxes to wait for my orders. A few days since 


I rec. d out of Boston ;i Letter from Messrs. Duputs & Co. 
acknowledging the receipt of our Oil and that they had 
sold it at £38 p. 1 " ton. They expect to send ace* Sales 
next Vessell. They enter a little upon the Times, but 
excuse themselves from enlarging on that subject, as they 
expect their Letter will be opened. I have not rec. d a 
letter from Deacon Boynton since I saw you, but in one 
he writes his wife, he desires her to inform me he is busy 
at the Works & will write me soon. There were no 
boats passed all last week & I do not understand that any 
have this week. I don't hear any late news. I was at 
Watertown last Wed. Thurs. & fryday, Mrs. Phillips & 
family well. Father continues very comfortable. Write 
me word when you expect to move & where. We are all 
pretty well. In hast 

Y r Friend & Servant, N. A. 
P. S. When you come next, bring your ace* with the 
Comp. a 

(Directed) To M. r Oliver Wendell at Kingston, New 

(Endorsed) Andover Sept. 8. tb 1775 N. A.'s Letter. 

Andover Nov/ 1 st 1775. 
S. r 

I Rec. d son Nat's Letter dictated by you, & note the 
Contents. I have not yet wrote to the Deacon not know. 8 
exactly what to write ; considering the impractability of 
giting money out of Boston I approve of what you wrote, 
for it was with that view that I proposed a suspension 
hoping to git some out & afterwards to pay them. My 
two last Letters to Boston with the orders upon several 
persons & ail the particulars I could think of relating to 
the Works still remain at Winisimet ferry, therefore I 
have thought of going down as soon as I can & tak. g up 
those Letters &c, & from them collect such particulars 
as I may think necessary to write. I shall observe your 
caution of secrecy. I should be glad to know what you 
wrote the Deacon about disposing of & distributing our 
Effects. I would have him remove everything from the 


works as fast as he manufactures, that we may have as 
little as possible in the works, if he has any money left 
after pay.* those Gentl. n I would have him keep it in 
Gold & sell of as fast as possible, especially the Oil. 
Your hhd. of sugar came up to my House safe with the 
hhd. of press. d stuff* & the Ton of Oil. I apprehend 
from the late allarms on the sea coast that you will hardly 
move from your old quarters, tho' I think Newbury the 
safest seaport. Mrs. Appleton was, thro' Divine good- 
ness, safely deliver/ of a son last fryday Evening. She 
had a pretty comfortable time & very s'easonable assist- 
ance. She has been about as well as usual ever since, 
tho' much troubled with the headake. The Boy I named, 
last sabath, George Washington. I have long thought of 
George as a good name to call, & there being none of that 
name in our family is a circumstance I always chuse, & 
the addition of Washington as a memorial of the times in 
which he was born. Hope to have a line from you soon 
with all the particulars you think of, relating to our 
affairs in Boston or Elsewhere. I have given you credit 
for the Bond. With respects to your good Lady & 

I remain 

Y. r friend & servant N. A. 

(Directed) To Oliver Wendell Esq. at Kingston. 

(Endorsed) Andover Nov. 1 st 1775 N. A. Letter. 

Andover, Decemb/ 6. th 1775. 
Dear S. r 

It is so long since 1 saw, or hear d direct from you 
that I most forgit you. It is certain I don't know where 
you live, however no news is good news therefore pre- 
sume & hope you are all well. I Rec. d a Letter some 
time ago from Amory & Rogers, offering I s 8 d for our 
Candles, but I had no oppo. to answer 'till last Thursday. 
I wrote into Boston by a Flagg. I wrote the Deacon we 
could not by any means accept Messrs. Amory's offer (I 
think it was a very mean offer). Just after I had wrote 


into the Deacon I Rcc. d a line from him dated Nov. 20. th 
He acknowlidges the receipt of yours, he writes as fol- 
lows : "I am still in your business endeavoring to do all 
in my power to save your Interest, it is with the utmost 
dificulty I have paid Cap.* Erving & Mr. T. Boylston. I 
must let Messrs. Amory & C.° this day have 40 boxes 
Candles to prevent further trouble. I should have by 
this time got through your business, but have been obliged 
to do some business for some other persons, which I have 
not time [to] be particular." He then mentions some of 
his own affairs, & concludes "the times is vastly altered 
& altering, which makes it extremely dificult to do busi- 
ness." He incloses me a letter from George Hay ley 
inclosing an ace. 1 sales of oil per Robson & ace. 1 Currant. 
He sold the best £35 & ab.* 1£ Tons black at £30, with 
amazing charges, which reduces our Oil to ab.* £285 old 
p. r Ton, it was charged £300. Messrs. Dupuis & C.° 
rec. d their oil 2 month after Hayley [and?] sold it two 
months before him at £38 p. r Ton. He paid the ballance 
to Jn.° Amory £86. 7. 6. but he has rec. d nothing from 
Bilboa as w r e order. d Lynch & Marony. I give you joy 
at the great Prizes lately taken, let me hear from you or 
see you soon. 

P. S. What can you understand by the Deacon being 
obliged to let Amory have 40 boxes to save trouble. I 
hear Tallow Candles are 18 s p. r lb. I can't learn how 
ours are sold. 

Do inquire of M. r Ellis Gray where his brother Edw. 
is that we may apply to him if we incline for his Debt 
ab.* £100 Ster. 1 * 

(Directed) To Oliver Wendell, Esq. In Newburyport. 
favor. d by M. r Searl. 

(Endorsed) AndoverDec. 6, 1775 N. Appleton's Letter. 

My worthy Friend 

The Goodness of y r own Mind will pre- 
vent you from reaching, by the Power of Imagination, 
the Height of the infamous Conduct which appears from 
Day to Day in this Town. But, as you may happen to 


light upon some of the Scape Goats from Point Shirley, |i 
you may be brought nearer to the Mark than otherwise 
you cou'd arrive. 

During all my Confincm. 1 your Bureau has been in my 1 
Mind, and lately, in particular, has given me great Un- 
easiness ; for Doct. r M s was warned out-, .that the I 

House might be made a Barrack. At length, however, I 
that is over; and the Owner being of Age, has become 
Boarder to slim Jn.° Hunt, who is forced out of Sher- ji 
burn's and has got into y r former Tenem. 1 , by which Sal- 1 
tonstall keeps both sides from the Light Horse, having 
also dropped £15 st. g to the Doct. r who was offered an- 
other House for Nothing not so handy to his Charge. ( 
The Doct. 1 ' promises as honorably as at first respecting y r | 
Furniture, about which I became uneasy ; because the J 
officer who got suddenly into Neighbour Holbrook's, 
(upon a Stormy Day without the Key so as to prevent my j 
poor worried Polly from taking away several valuables) I 
being since forced to Master Carter's House, to leave the |j 
other for a Barrack, has taken away every single Article; I 
saying that "the Gen. 1 knows no such Thing as Houses & 1 
Furniture left under Charge of any Body but himself; | 
and had given his Orders accordingly. 

My Situation is such that the Vidians may force mo i 
away in some of their Freaks without a Minute's Warn- I 
ing. I therefore sent to Doct. 1 ' Jef — s, who has altered I 
his intention of going to London, and I desired him to 
take Charge of what is in y r Bureaux, and what is pack't |j 
up in my Cellar, and the House Furniture when D. r 

M s quits ; But his House will not receive his Father's 1 

Goods which he is obliged to move now after having tilled i 
himself up with other People's. All I can do is to take I; 
the Papers & every other Article from the Bureaux, and 1 

box them so as to put them under D. 1 * J s Chaige; 1 

and get M. r Saltonstall & your Relation to take a full & :J 
friendly Care of what is under the Roof of their House, 1 
when the present Tenant of the west Part leaves it, and I 
also of what is in my Cellar, more than Polly will trans- j 
port as her own, if we leave Boston. 

I was packing y r Papers from the Bureau Draws last 


Night by myself, after my 4 brother Jail Birds were in 
bed. Your little amiable Partner, as well as yourself, 
may be assured that the greatest Dclicaey will attend this 
Measure as I have not thought myself entitled to overlook 
those Papers upon the Packages of which cither of you 
had made any note signifying the Contents, except one, 
which I burnt being only a few Touches wrote in trouble- 
some Times. 

Whatever I light of in the Slope or Case regarding 
Pence or Land, I shall see conveyed to you with what 
Little I have of my own that is worth saving ; as you 
may be wanting them to look into Titles in the Country 
in some of y r Rides for Health. Perhaps you may give 
some small Hints of Direction thro' Deacon Boynton for 
me by a round about Description ; for no Line can get 
to my Hand, or, my Friends never make the Tryal. 

I grudge not my past Sufferings to that private Friend- 
ship which was the Cause of them. Nay, I glory in 
them ; as my Treatment is a most evident Proof of the 
just Jealousy of the many who fled from Apprehensions 
of a similar Fate. The Wantonness of the Exertions of 
military Power against me and my most innocent Family 
should excite all who are out of the Reach of it to prefer 
Death rather than to come under it. The Savages of our 
Western Borders are Children of Nature, unworthy to 
hold a Candle to these scientific Barbarians from Oxford, 
Cambridge, and the middle Temple, who lead the servile 
Tribes of Sixpenny Murderers. 

(Endorsed by O. W.) Boston Dec. 9, 1775 J. Lovells 

Letter about my affairs. 

Andover Dec. 25 1775. 
Dear S. r 

I Rec. d a Letter last Saturday from Deacon Boyn- 
ton dated Dec. 9. lh He does not acknowlege the receipt 
of my two last that I sent in by Roxbury lines, the one 
was dated Dec. l. st the other 13. th He wrote me I learn 
by a woman who fearing she should be searched distroyed 
the Letter ; in this last he incloses an order on Cap. 1 Geo. 



Williams for £60 L. M.° which I shall present as soon as 
possible. He also incloses M. r Jn.° Gray's ace* with you 
& desires orders to pay it. I inclose it to you for your 
examination and orders upon it. The Deacon writes no 
particulars except that he is at the works. I Rec. d a 
Letter from M. r Hodgdon the Taylor dated latter end 
Sept. r : he says he has been at our Works & they go on 
swimiugly under the care of the good Deacon. Cap. 1 
Procter tells me he hear. d sperm Candles were 3 s L. M. c 
Tallow 2 s 8. I wonder the former don't have a higher 
price. The Deacon does not say anything ab. 1 Amory.' 
I have wrote him to day to go by Cap.* Procter who goes 
to Point Shirley tomorrow. Another cargo of Inhabi- 
tants is expected soon. I hear nothing new since the] 
paper, except that two vessels are arrived at Casco bay 
from West Indies with molasses & Cotton &c, hope its 
true. We are all in good health. With compliments to! 
Mrs. Wendell & family I conclude at present Y. r Friend 
& Servant 

N. A. 

P. S. Coll. Abbot, brother to Sam. 1 died last fryday 

(Directed) To Oliver Wendell Esq. at Newburyport. 
(Endorsed) Andover Dec. 25, 1775. N. Appleton's 
Letter, p.* [S.] Dashwood. 

Andover Feb. y 24. th 1776. 
M. r Wendell, 

S. r : M. r John Van Emburgh, a gentleman 
from New Jerseys with whom I had some acquaintance 
ab. 1 four years ago, is now with us. He with some others 
had a vessel, taken by the enemy, bound from Lisbon tc 
the Jerseys & afterward retaken by one of our Privateers; 
He came to claim his Interest, & has asked my advice 
what attorney to apply to in case of need. I have recom- 
mended M. r Lowell of Newburyport. This is to ask the 1 
favour of you to introduce" him to that Gentleman ; this 
may perhaps be a pellicular favour to a stranger, & a welt 


wisher to our Cause, which are circumstances I know that 
always recommend to your notice. With esteem I am S.' 
Y. r Friend & Servant 

Nath. 1 Appleton. 
(Directed) To Oliver Wendell Esq. In Newbury port. 
(Endorsed) Feb.* 24. th 1776. Nath. 1 Appleton. 

Andover 26. th FebJ 1776. 
S. r 

I Kec. d yours from Watertown, note the contents, & 
your caution, but why you should attribute How 3 treat- 
ment of the Deacon to poor little Geo. I can't conceive, 
as we are all Rebels in their construction, & I can't im- 
agine that one is worse than another, especialy of two 
Concessions, neither in arms ; you say they hate me. 
Who? Surely amidst the 10,000 of Israel, iittle N. A. 
in Andover woods can't be of importance enough to be 
enquired after ; can you conceive that Grig, Will. m or 
Dan (for I know of nobody else) could inform the Gen. 1 
that I was one peg higher than you, therefore for my 
sake no more work shall be carried on. No Sir ! we are 
both, nay all out of Boston, are Rebels, that have not 
by some means, conveyed a different sentiment. How- 
ever I am no way displeased at your caution, anything 
consistent with truth and the public good, so that we can 
but git our Iuterest. I have received a letter from Lynch, 
Killikelly & Morony of Bilboa with an ace* Sales of our 
Candles & having remitted the Net proceeds to Mes. s 
Hayley & Hopkins agreeable to order. I don't under- 
stand the Spanish currancy therefore can't tell the price 
they sold for, nor the whole amount, but I imagine it to 
be £51. 16. ll. d Sterl. g , if so it will save the first cost. 
I suppose M. r Amory will of course take up this money 
also, upon the strength of the bill we gave him. If I 
have a safe conveyance shall send their letter to you for 
explanation. Last Saturday one M. r Van Embnrgh of 
New Jersey. 8 with whom I had some acquaintance ab.* 4 
years ago, came to see me. He is this way to claim a 
Vessell that was taken by a man of war & afterwards 


retaken by a Privateer out of Beverley. He asked my 
advice what attorney to apply to in case of need. I rec- 
ommended M. r Lowell & have wrote a line to you to be 
so kind as to introduce him, it is uncertain when he will j 
present it. We are all well, hope your Family are, want I 
to know how you succeeded with M. d Fry ; hope you 
will be able to remove nearer to us. I shall depend upon | 
a hhd. Rum & Molasses. Please to write first opp.° 
Y. r friend & Servant 

N. A. 
Pray don't forgit to purchase from the Prize, 

1 Bll. Beef 
1 firkin Butter 
a few tongues 
a cheese 
(Directed) To Oliver Wendell Esq. 

In Newbury port. 
To the Care of Mr. Jon. a Jackson. 
(Endorsed) Andover, Feb.* 26. th 1776. 

N. Appleton's Letter. 

All of Mr. Appleton's letters written at that time and 
now in the possession of the writer have been given above 
in full. There are three other letters written a few years J 
afterwards which are interesting as showing the changed ! 
condition of business. He was still connected with Mr. 
Wendell, but, instead of commercial transactions, agri- 
culture now claimed their attention. 

April 19, 1779. 

We have a p. s of Diaper at M. r Sam Phillips's [in] 
Andover, which we want to have brought down, if you I 
can bring it shall be glad. I propose you should carry I 
some chestnutts to plant at Reading in a good spot in the 
Garden. You may carry some to M. r Phillips & French 
&c. I am for trying some Rye, flax, Oats, & Barley to 


see which suits our place best. Do see how the young 
Apple trees are & have the old ones trirned. Perhaps 
you'll think it best not fully to determine with Nutting 
about the wall till I see you again, after knowing his 
whole proposals. Remember that we have potatoes 
enough sowed. Wish you a pleasant journey & am 
Y. r friend &c. 

N. Appleton. 
(Directed) O. Wendell Esq. 

(Endorsed) N. A. Letter 19 th April 1779. 

Boston, Sept. 26, 1780. 
S. r 

M. r Parker has been with me, and it now becomes 
necessary that we determine what to do with the Cyder 
on the Farm. I suppose we shall have 10 Bll. s at least, 
therefore if you will contrive to git 5 Bll. s up, I will git 
5 & have them brought down together either to the ferry 
orround by Roxbury. Parker is to send word how cheap 
he can git a Teem for either case. 

Let me hear from you soon. 

Y. rs 
0. Wendell, Esq. N. Appleton. 

(Endorsed) N. A. about Cyder at Reading 1780. 

22 M. r Burnham has been with me about buying the 
Shoemakers Shop on reading Farm. He says you are 
willing to sell, so am I provided we can git a proper 
price, but it seems as if Parker ought to have some 
notice, or Brown who works in it, least they should say, 
they would have given as much as we sold for or more, 
either for the building itself or for a Rent. I am of 
opinion it will be as well to be out of the way. Burn- 
ham says it cost 40 Doll. 8 when built, at 75 is 3000 Doll. 8 
but as everything is so much higher I should think it 

22 No date but probably about 1780. 


worth 5000 Doll. s If the above dificulties are removed 
in your mind I shall be willing to sell at that price, & 
shall leave it with you. 

Y. rs N. A. 
(Directed) Oliver Wendell Esq. 

(Endorsed) N. Appleton's Letter ab.* selling Shop. 

The family letters of Dr. Edward A. Holyoke, whose 
practice in Salem covered a period of nearly eighty 
years, contain interesting allusions to the events of the 
Revolution. Dr. Holyoke was born Aug. 1, 1728, old 
style, at Marblehead. He commenced the practice of J 
medicine at Salem in June, 1749, and died here March 
31, 1829. An excellent memoir of this eminent physi- 
cian, written by Dr. Peirson, was published Vy the Essex ( 
South Medical Society in 1829. Another memoir by I 
Rev. John Brazer, accompanying an "Ethical Essay" 
written by Dr. Holyoke, was published in the following 

Dr. Holyoke was residing in Salem, in 1775, in the 
house now the furniture warehouse of Mr. Israel Fellows, 
No. 205 Essex street. He sent his wife and family to 
Nantucket, whither many other Salem people repaired for 
security and refuge. It was thought that that island 
would be treated as a sort of neutral ground. Mrs. Hol- 
yoke went to Nantucket April 27, 1775, and returned to 
Salem July 22d. A number of letters passed between 
them meanwhile, and these have been preserved by the 
family, who have kindly allowed me the use of extracts 
from them. 

Mrs. Holyoke writes from Nantucket, April 29. th , that 

r there is no provision to be bought here, neither salt nor 
fresh. There is not a tree upon the whole island, except 


two or three round some of the doors. The town looks 
much like Marblehead, and the same kind of stairs with 
bannisters to get into the houses." "The people are very 
kind, particularly the Friends." 

May 2d. "Friend Hussey of Lynn & his wife have 
been here to see me. She is one of the prettiest faces I 
have seen. I live with their nephew" 

May 20th. "I accidentally met witb Peter Glover of 
Salem this afternoon in a shop ; we were very glad to see 
each other. He kindly offered to carry a letter for me. 
The brig has not yet arrived but is daily expected." 

May 22d. "A Brig from Salem arrived last night. I 
was much disappointed at not having a letter, but was 
glad to hear by Mr. Pynchon's letter that things were no 
worse at Salem." "Friend Hussey and his wife of Lynn 
have called upon me several times and the women who 
have been at my father's 23 and grandfather's 24 at Boston. 
I live now with a nephew of theirs and am going to live 
with a daughter of one of them. The house I am <roino- 
to is the only one on the Island that has Electrical 

June 1st, 1775. "We were alarmed last week with the 

arrival of a Company of Provincials, as they didn't let 

their business be known at first, but it soon appeared they 

came for flour & whale boats, of which they carried off a 

large number & 750 Barrels of flour, some arms, &c." 

"I hear Salem is quite alive. I wish w r e were all there 

in peace & safety." "I shouldn't chuse to be in Boston 

now, as it is supposed the whale boats are designed for 

that place. We hear 10,000 troops are at Boston, a new 

governor & three new Generals ; but we have sometimes 

such surprising news, that now we hardly believe any- 

i thing we do hear. I went yesterday with 2 Mrs. Folgers 

I &c. in a Calash alias Horse Cart (which sort of riding is 

J in taste here)." 

June 2d. "I have heard this afternoon that Mr. Whet- 
more goes tomorrow or next day." "Drank tea yesterday 
at old Friend Husseys with Friend Vassal." "We hear 

23 Capt. Nathaniel Viall. 24 Jonathan Simpson. 



there has been another skirmish. I think our people 
succeed in all their undertakings, if our accounts are 
true ; it grieves me to hear of so much bloodshed." "The 
people I live with are exceeding kind ; we live very well. 
They have a handsome clock, points to the house, a fine 
walk on the top which commands the prospect of the 
whole Island." 

June 3rd. "Received a line by Capt. Folger this morn- 
ing, but as it was of the 15th of last month it afforded 
nothing new. We were all terribly disappointed, as we 
depended on this vessel for supplies." "Dr. Guilson has 
the chief practice and is in high esteem. I hope to 
return soon, or I don't know but we shall starve or beg. 
This world is chequered, & I believe we are now in one 
of the black checks, & if the game is as long as chess, 
we may never get into a white one." "Mrs. Fitch has 
just called to tell me her husband will sail this afternoon 
for Salem." 

June 5th. She writes that she dined with Mrs. Fitch 
in company with Capt. Folger, Mr. Brattle, Capt. Calef, 
lady & two daughters. "Mrs. Williams, Mrs. One, & 
Mrs. Goodale were so rejoiced at seeing their husbands, 
that Mrs. Pynchon & Sally talk of coming to live with 
me, as we can sympathize with each other." 

"As to the place it is hilly & sandy, no rocks no more 
than there is in Carolina, nor trees except a few in gar- 
dens. As to the number of inhabitants I can't learn ex- 
actly, some guess 8000, some not so many. The houses 
are almost as compact as in Salem, they are all wood, 
shingled instead of Clapboard, the foundations brick in- 
stead of stone. I believe the chief produce of the Island 
is corn ; there is one cornfield of six miles long." "Great 
meeting will be here this month, & Sheep shearing, high 
Frolicks, both, but I believe not this season." "Mr. 
Nutting wonders Ave came away, says we should have 
been safe at home, I told him we were more afraid of a 
man of war, than any thing else & were subject to con- 
stant alarms." 

June 14th. "The Governor's Proclamation has just 
arrived here, they say, offering pardon to all, but Mr. 


Hancock & Adams, on their laying down their arms. I 
hear you were under arms at the time of the alarm." 

June 21st. "We hear there has been a terrible battle 
& that Charlestown is destroyed, how my heart aches for 
the poor sufferers. I pray Salem may be spared, as well 
as every other place." "We have just had an account 
that Mr. Porter the lawyer was shot going to Que beck 
with a letter. 

June 26th. "I went last Thursday in a Calash to a part 
of the Island called Shimmer where a number of Indians 
live. We carried our provision with us. They treated 
us with roasted Paqwaws (a sort of clam). It is as 
pleasant there as at our fort — there is one wigwam left, 
which was a great curiosity to me." "Mrs. Caty Pyn- 
chon has received a letter from Mr. Whetmore at Cam- 
bridge ; he says the Country is in dreadful confusion, & 
he thinks the Sea Ports stand a bad chance." 

July 10th. "I spent this afternoon at Mr. Jn.° Coffins 
with Mr. Vassal's family & Mr. James Bowdin & Lady, 
who are here upon a visit from Middleborough. He 
speaks so much like our old friend Judge Ropes that I 
hadn't him out of my mind this afternoon." 

Dr. Holyoke writes to his wife from Salem : — 

May 1st, 1775. "There is no news of any consequence 
saving that the people are coming out of Boston. I hear 
Mr. Wm. Davis and family are bound to Halifax, where 
your Uncle Simpson's family is already. Dr. Prince 
sailed for the same place yesterday noon." "A vessel 
from Boston, last evening, brought about sixty of the 
inhabitants into our harbour, some of whom are bound to 
Connecticut and Halifax, and I believe some will tarry 
here." "We hear to-day that the General has again put 
a stop to inhabitants going out, on account, as is sup- 
posed, of the New York news." 

May 7. "Mrs. Higginson sailed yesterday for Halifax, 
with her brother, Mr. Robie." "Miss Polly Glover re- 
ceived a line to desire her to return to Boston as soon as 
she could. She will go up to-morrow with Billy Davis, 
in a sloop of his father's, which sails to-morrow from 


Marblehead." "We remain as quiet at Salem as ever; 
the appearance of business in the streets but very little. 
Just now indeed a number of families coming in from 
Boston occasions a little bustle." 

May 19. "A terrible fire broke out in Boston the night 
before last (we saw y e light very plainly at Salem), which 
destroyed a great number of warehouses, 1100 barrels of 
flour, and a large quantity of English goods. It seems 
as if that poor town was devoted to destruction." 

June 3d. "Mr. Davis and his wife and family, and one 
negro boy (for his other four negroes ran away), came 
and dined with us and have put up here for the present; 
but he gives one piece of intelligence which makes me 
anxious about you, which is that a Capt. Richard Coffin, 
of Nantucket, whom he saw at Boston just before he left 
it, told him there were three hundred men of our provin- 
cial soldiers, under ye command of one Capt. Davis, 
were gone to Nantucket to prevent the King's troops or 
ships from getting any supplies from that island." Bos- 
ton "is in a most deplorable distressed situation, they are 
continually alarmed & I fancy soon expect an attack & 
'tis said here to-day that the Gov. will not let any more 
persons come out of the town." 

June 6th. "Mrs. Hitty Hisrginson is arrived safe at 

June 7th. "Mr. Davis & Billy are gone to Mrs. Gibbs's 
at Newton upon a visit & to see the camp at headquarters 
(as ye fashionable phrase is) at Cambridge." "The town 
watch and the military watch, which is kept every night 
at the fort, &c, make us more than commonly still." 

June 10th. "You desire to know how your friends are 
disposed of. Mr. Mascarene and family remain as they 
were, as also Mrs. Sargent. Mrs. Crowninshield, who 
went down eastward, is returned home again. Mrs. 
Johnston is here yet, but talks of going to Rowley. Mr. 
Cabot and Family still abide here, as does also Mrs. 
Lowell. Mr. Jno. Appleton's family are at Haverhill, 
Mr. N. Appleton's are here yet, but going, I believe, to 
Andover." "The English £>'oods beoin to fail here al- 
ready. Our- men are listing very fast here, between three 


or four hundred ure gone from this town : the sailors and 
fishermen, as they have no other employment or support, 
go to ye army, and we are told there is a whole regiment 
of fishermen gone from Marblehead — good riddance 1" 

June 12th. "You enquire about the alarm; it was 
nothing that need have terrified anybody, but our people 
seem determined to be afraid of everything ; it was all 
over in an hour." "Peggy writes for paper, but it is not 
in my power to send any, as I have none by me, not a 
sheet, and there is not a single quire to be bought in the 
town of Salem, though Williams expects some soon from 
Milton, which, such as it is, must answer." 

"Salem, Friday afternoon, June 16, 1775. 
As to the Military Operations here, I am not in the 
secret, so can give you no news of that sort, tho' the gen- 
eral voice is that there will soon be an Engagement, and 

CO ' 

perhaps it may happen before this reaches you. It is said 
our People intend to take possession of Dorchester Hill, 
tonight, and whenever they do, it is also said they will be 
attacked by the Regulars. I pray God to prevent blood- 
shed, but I fear there will be a good deal. * * * I have 
some thoughts of sending otf to Boxford a load of neces- 

o o 

sary furniture proper for housekeeping, but am a little at 
a loss about it. M. r Davis has engaged M. r Hooper's 
house in Danvers ; which he thinks far enough out of ye 
way and I don't know but he is right enough, but it is a 
situation I should not admire upon several accounts. 

Saturday, P. M. I have just rec. d a letter from your 
uncle at Hallifax ; he tells me his situation is very disa- 
greeable and that he shall not continue long where he is, 
if he can get away, which there is very little prospect of 
as there are no vessels there but from Salem & Marble- 
head. Provisions very scarce & dear, no mutton, beef at 
half Pisterene per pound, Pork & Veal at 6 s 8 O. Ten/ 
Butter 10. s He was very much surprised to think you 
were gone to Nantucket, or anywhere from Salem ; but if 
you were obliged to remove he thinks Nantucket the best 
place you could go to ; and he heartily wishes he was 
there &c. * * * I suppose before you receive this you 
will have heard of the resolves of the two Congresses 


about supplying Nantucket & we must get leave of the 
Committee of Safety at Cambridge for every article Ave 
intend to put on board for you — this will render the dif- 
ficulty of supplying you much greater than it has been — 
however I should hope that you will not be obliged to 
tarry longer than August ; and if necessity obliges you 
to decamp sooner you can at any time leave the Island 
without any difficulty. 

Sunday, P. M. Well, my dear, I am heartily glad you 
are not here just at this time ; you would, I know, be 
most terribly alarmed. We had an appearance yesterday 
of a most prodigious smoke, which I found was exactly 
in the direction of Charlestown and as we knew our men 
were entrenching on Bunker Hill there, we supposed the 
Town was on fire, and so in fact it proved, for in the 
evening (that is last evening) we were told the Regulars 
had landed at Charlestown under cover of the smoke 
from ye buildings they had set fire to, and forced the 
Entrenchments on the Hill and had beat our men off with 
loss, & this morning our intelligence was that 400 of our 
men were killed & the Regulars had pursued our men as 
far as Winter Hill ; (tho' we just now learn that the Reg- 
ulars still keep possession of Bunkers Hill, & that our 
men are entrenched upon Winter Hill) & that there is 
a probability of further action soon, and that our loss 
amounts only to about 150 killed. Among the missing 
is Dr. Warren who it is said commanded a Regiment; 
Col. Bridge of Billerica is said to be among ye slain, and 
Col. G[ardne]r of Cambridge had one of his thighs shot 
off. The commotion here was so^eonsiderable, though 
none of our men went to ye Battle (as the northwest part 
of the Province and not the sea coast were called upon 
the occasion) that we had but one meeting house open in 
ye morning, — and this afternoon while some were at 
meeting and others talking over ye action of yesterday, 
we were alarmed with an appearance of smoke at Marble- 
head, which broke up ye meeting, & the people with their 
engines & buckets went over to extinguish the fire, and I 
among the rest, tho' I should have been glad to have been 
excused on account of the prodigious heat of the weather, 


but as I thought that under Providence I owed the pres- 
ervation of my House to the assistance from Marblehead, 
when we were in the utmost hazzard, I could not dispense 
with going ; but we were stopped when about half way 
there, with an account that ye smoke arose from a field 
of grass on fire, and that no building was hurt, so I re- 
turned home, and am now set down to rest and cool 
myself, and to give you this account. * * * Tuesday 
noon, June 20, 1775. The destruction of Charlestown 
by fire (for it is all burnt down) has struck our People 
at Salem with such a panic, that those who before thought 
our Town perfectly safe, now are all for removing oft*; — 
but I cannot be apprehensive of any danger we are pecu- 
liarly in. * * * As almost every one is moving away, 
particularly Cap. 1 Williams, Derby, Gardner, Ashton, 
our neighbour Gardner & Dodge, &c, &c.-, I have it in 
contemplation to send oft" some necessaries for house 
keeping, if we should be driven away, but as to expen- 
sive furniture, such as looking glasses, chests of drawers, 
&c, the risk is so great in removing them that I think 
unless we are in greater jeopardy than I think we are yet, 
I shall let them abide. 

Wednes. 7 Morn. g Dr. Warren is since known to be 
killed. Col. Bridge escaped with the skin of his teeth, 
& Maj. r M c Clarra is killed in ye action." 

July 4th. "Our last accounts from Boston of the loss 
sustained by the Regulars, is much larger than at first 
apprehended. It is now said to stand thus : 700 private 
men killed or died of their wounds, 92 Officers, 3 if not 
5 were field Officers, Col. Abercrombie, Col. Williams & 
Maj. Pitcairn and some say Maj. Duncan, & 104 Sar- 
gents & 90 Corporals ; a most terrible destruction for an 
action said to have continued but forty minutes." 

July 6th. "I wrote you very largely by Cap. 1 Benj. 
Johnson of Lynn, who is for Nantucket by land. M. r 
Whetmore tells me he believes etther Miss Catey or Miss 
Sally Pyncheon will come home soon, they would be good 
company for you on the passage. You enquire about the 
Pickman family, they are all here & well, but the town is 
very empty." 


July 17th. "Mrs. Curwen, who went to Dunstable for 
an asylum, could not stand it but about 10 days or a 
fortnight & was as glad when she got home as a Galley 
Slave when released from his chains, & she is determined 
nothing shall start her again till she hears one Gun, at 
least, fired against the Town." 


The following letters written by James Lovell, while 
he was a member of the Continental Congress, to Samuel 
Holten, also a member of the same Congress, are ap- 
pended here as having a special interest in connection 
with Lo veil's letters printed in the foregoing article. 
They exhibit the same vivacity of style and fervent patri- 
otism so conspicuous in the earlier letters, and also pre- 
sent us with a graphic description of some of the most 
serious and perplexing questions and difficulties of that 
anxious period of the Revolution. Samuel Holten, though 
by profession a physician, was alwa} T s in public life. He 
was for many years Judge of Probate for the county of 
Essex, and for thirty years a Judge of the Court of Com- 
mon Pleas. The letters are in the possession of Mrs. 
Mary C. Putnam, widow of the late Philemon Putnam of 
Danvers, who was a grandson of Judge Holten. 

Sep/ 5. th 1780. 
Dear Sir 

I was yesterday much obliged by your favor of 
Aug. 21. st which relieved me from a great deal of anxiety 
that I had been thrown into by my children under date 
of the 17. tb Mrs. Lovell has indeed been very ill; per- 
haps she will not again be able to go thro' with the Care 
of so large a Family without me. My children catch at 
the Hope that you will contrive to get me Home. I wish 
for such a thing much, unless you can give me such 


Grounds from the Settlement of your account as to lead 
me to conclude that I am not ruining myself past Remedy 
by staying here. I am willing to involve myself as far 
as my Quota. 

We have recalled the Com. tPe from Camp, have aime/l 
to do Justice to the officers without giving in to Whims. 
Their Widows and Children are to have the 7 years half 
pay ; and the Clause which stopped the Pension upon an 
officer being elected to a civil office is repealed. 

3 millions Tax against the last of Dec. 1 ' is called for 
and Justice is to be done to all who have supplied the 

We must have money at all adventures. Nothing Else 
is wanting to raise us again into Reputation, and prevent 
stupid plans of creating absolute Dictators to get supplies 
without paying for them. 

I write at the Post office having been forced to borrow 
a sheet of Paper from a Stranger in the neighborhood of 
it, such is its poverty. 

Your obliged and affectionate humble Servaut, 

James Lovell. 
Hon. ble Mr. Holten. 

(Endorsed) A letter from Mr. Lovell Sep/ 5. th 1780. 

N. B. rec. d Sept. 1 ' 21. st ans. d 28. th 

Sep/ 10. th 1780. 
Dear Sir 

I send you by Cap/ Barry an Index to the Jour- 
nals of 1778. We have not j^et the particulars of the 
Defeat of our army from Gen. 1 Gates but we have an 
account from Gen. 1 Nash to the Delegates of North Caro- 
lina much more favorable than we had reason to look for 
after the first Letter on the Subject. Mankind are so 
much governed in Judgment by Events that I fear Gen. 1 
Gates will lose much Reputation. He thought he should 
have as much Influence with the militia in that Quarter 
as in another and therefore made several attempts [to 
rally] there till he was drawn far from the Spot where 
the action began ; and had a right to conclude on the 


ceasing of the fire that the small Remains of his army 
was cut intirely off or dissipated. Being also among very 
disaffected people he would have been momently exposed 
to be betrayed as he was without even a guard of Horse. 
He thought it his Business to endeavor to get from the 
general assembly at Hillsborough Something of a new 

Had he stayed luckily with the small Body of Conti- 
nentals he would only have been blamed for not exerting 
himself to rally the militia, a trifling Slur to what he now 
meets with. 

I am persuaded there is a good Body of Men together 
by this time. I only fear about magazines & arms. We 
have recommended Provision to be made there for 15,000 
as it is to be hoped that something may be done at the 
southward if nothing should be done in this Quarter. 

Indeed, my dear Sir, with a View of public affairs and 
my own domestic, just at this period, I cannot cordially 
pronounce "all for the best" tho' I have had Experience 
enough to be far from Despondency. It was very un- 
lucky that the money of our State should be seen in 
Sodom till the Quota of Pennsylvania had been offered 
to the people of that execrable City. 

And now, to our Family Matters. Mr. Pickering's 
Employment destroys our plan of being with his wife. 
He had made some purchases for us, but we have so little 
prospect of finding a place in which to use the Furniture 
that I think we must dispose of it. It is small in Quan- 
tity and will even make a profit. He expected to be able 
to furnish us with money but is disappointed, and I am 
beat out from drawing on the State to the amount of 
my Wants by only a Sight of the nominal Sum. I have 
succeeded to Jerry Sheldon but I charge nobody with 
Quotas. Exchange is here 73 & 75, surely you are more 
reformed at Dan vers and Boston. 

Affectionately y. r humble Serv. 1 

J. L. 

(Endorsed) Letter from Mr. Lovell Sep/ 10. th 1780. 

Ans. d Sep. 1 ' 21. st 


Sep/ 12. lh 1780. 
Dear Sir 

We have been obliged to draw on the Treasurer 
for a great nominal Sum in favor of Col. Pickering 
79,296 old dollars 16,935 of w/ h are to pay him for 
those articles of Bedding which he procured for us when 
we had a plan for living decently with him instead of most 
disreputably where we are. The Bill ought to be paid in 
the old Emissions if your new is, as it ought to be, as 
good as silver. Because we have only rec. d , at 72 for 1, 
1101a dollars, but the Treasurer will pay, at 40 for 1, 
1982f which will give a profit 881 T ^ Col. P took all the 
articles to himself except the 3 Beds & Bedding which I 
hope will sell to profit or at least not to a loss. 

I think you told me you paid 400 Board from the 12. th 
of June. I am charged from May 15. th 400 — from the 
3. d of April to that time only 320. In addition to the 
news Paper you will find a Paper tucked into the Letter 
for M. r Gerry that contains favorable Intelligence. Sump- 
ter has had two good Strokes upon Parties of the enemy 
since his Surprise. I will really, my dear Sir, write to 
you, one of these days which are to make up the year 
1780, with a good Pen unmuddy Ink and not in a Hurry. 
Your Friend and most humb. Serv/ 

James Lovell. 
Hon. ble Doctor Holten. 

Hazard tells me of the Buckles. 

(Endorsed) A letter from M. r Lovell Sep. 1 * 12. th 1780. 

Oct. 3. d 1780. 
Dear Sir 

I thank you for your Remembrance of Sep/ 21. st 
I hope your absence of four weeks was for the purpose of 
enjoying Health, not to seek it. Oh Doctor, I feel at this 
moment, Let me say it without wilful offence to any Class 
of Men! — I feel, Doctor, like a forlorn old cold sour 
Batchelor. Tartar Emetic warmed me a little but Sal 
Sennet has made me blue to the Fingers Ends. A pretty 



Figure of a Gentleman I am indeed to go to Congress in 
raw northeast drizly weather to contrive how to raise feed 
cloath & pay an Army without one dollar in the Treasury ! 
Very genial Employment to be sure it will be to listen to 
all the minute Detail of the Circumstances of a black- 
died treason ! By the Bye Doctor, you are so good a 
Soul that "Altho' you have been a little perplexed about 
his accounts, you could not have thought that the honor- 
able Gentleman would have clone just so as he has done." 

You see I am not too sick to divert myself by taking 
you off in your own Style: for I am sure you have not 
been brought to say any Thing more rmcomplimentary of 
Major General Benedict Arnold. Oh, dear Doctor, this 
Laugh of mine has its attendant Sigh. To what alas ! 
are we exposed in this best of earthly Struggles ! When 
will our Country be at Rest <& her Liberty secured? ! ! ! 

I have I think already done myself the pleasure of I 
sending you the Journals you mention. I renew the I 
numbers which you may give into the Secretary's office 
for common Use if you find your own compleated since I 
your Date of Request. 

Your Friend & h. Serv.* 

James Lovell. 

Compliments to Mr. Avery. I thank him for returning 
the Index. I will not omit water Carriage for the Jour- I 
nals of 1778 for him tho' he has not yet acknowledged 
those sent by Cap. t Burke for 1777. He told me once he I 
had not got them but I suppose he afterwards had them. I 
Burke went in a little Boat to Providence Rh. Island. 

(Endorsed) A letter from M. r Lovell 1780. 

Philad. a Oct/ 17, 1780. 
Dear Sir 

Yesterday I had the Pleasure of receiving your 
kind Letter of Sep. 23. d I wish indeed that I could give 
an account from this or other Potent States as favorable 
as what you tell of M. r Applcton. I cannot come near 
it. I am sorry that Sheldon has been so unfortunate in 


his Health when ho has made so good a Change of Cli- 
mate. The poor Fellow must be quite oft* the" Exercise 
of his Talent for Commerce. I expected he would have 
shined in the trading Line. 

M. r Partridge was so kind as to send me a scale of 
Depreciation. I imagine it will not be so acceptable as 
our continental one, but 1 leave that Subject to another 
who is more touched with it than I. 

I expect in a short Time to see a printed account of 
your Elections on the new Constitution. There is one 
degree above "high Spirits;" when a "gouty" man can 
show such, it may be expected that upon laying aside his 
Flannel he will be in a "tip top" Flow. Under a weep- 
ing Cold I must close, with assuring you of my Esteem 
and Affection as a Friend at your Service. 

James Lovell. 

Gen. 1 Ward delivered me the inclosed & not beimr able 
to write particularly to you presents his Regards. 

(Directed) Hon. ble Doct. r Holten. 

(Endorsed) A letter from the Hon. e M. r Lovell 

Oct. 1780. 

Oct/ 30. th 1780. 
Dear Sir 

Your Favor of the 19 is a pleasing Testimony 
before my Eyes that you were then well. And I thank 
you for the kind memorandum in regard to the Health of 
Mrs. Lovell. 

If I at any time send 3 T ou a surplus Journal you can 
deliver it to M. r Avery. I now forward July & Sep/ I 
suspect you will find one of the former in the Secretary's 
office with your name. It is not however a matter of 
Importance equal to the Search. Gen. 1 Green & Baron 
Steuben are going to the Southward. The Enemy have 
landed in Virginia and I presume mean to take Post at 
Portsmouth according to what was long a^o mentioned in 
Campbel's Letter which has been printed, but the Ken- 
tuck's mad Folks have not been alarmed by that notifica- 
tion. Gov/ Jefferson ivrites with a proper Spirit and 


Nelson acts with the same. But the Latter is not able to 
prevent the invaders from securing such Passes as suit 
their Views. I fear we call for too many men to have a 
proper Army. I think myself Soldier enough to do the 
Business of this Continent with 25,000 well armed well 
cloathed and well fed Effectives, much better than with 
double the number deficient in those three points. I hope 
Mass. will rival all the other States in Vigor for the next 
Campaign. I am persuaded you do not comprehend how 
much depends upon her. You did not carry home con- 
temptible Ideas enough of the negro States or of this 
great Braggadocio. 

My Eyes are better than when I last wrote but alas I 
have lost my Spectacles and have had 3 laborious writing 
Days without them to which were added Evenings and 
Nights therefore now to Bed. 

Affectionately yours 

James Lovell. 

(Endorsed) A letter from Mr. Lovell Oct. 1780. 

Dec/ 5 1780. 
Dear Sir 

Your favor of Nov. 16. th with a Gazette reached I 
me yesterday. You suffered so much in your mind & \ 
Body when here that I will not send you any of the ill I 
pictures which with various Signatures come daily on to 
our Table. I hope you will find much Satisfaction in the 
short Letter from Gen. 1 Gates. Wemyss was a very val- I 
uable officer to the Enemy. 

You may amuse yourself also as one of the medical 
Class by reading the Epistle of Rush to Shippen in which 
you will find the Writer has relieved' himself a little upon 
me. Shenstone's Benevolence made him wish that he I 
could afford to have his Pockets picked frequently. I feel 
a portion of his Spirit operating upon me at this Time; 
When I see poor Rush swelled near unto Bursting, I I 
cannot doubt but that he finds some Relief by throwing 
about his Slaver and Froth, therefore when it falls upon 


my Cloaths I slight the Injury because he finds so much 
Ease in his terrible Case. 

I have said to some of you my Friends last Week that 
Mr. Adams had in a masterly & Independent stile de- 
fended the Resolves of March 18 against the opinions of 
Count de Vergennes. 

He showed that the true value of our Paper was its 
currant Rate. That the public Faith which is said to be 
broken is a mutual Contract between the public and the 
Individuals who compose it, that either may break it, the 
Public by not paying the promisory Note when it has had 
an equivalent or the Individual by not giving that Equiv- 
alent when he takes the Note. That Government will 
wrong the Public by paying off Notes, current at 40 for 
1, by 40 hard for 40 paper as much as if they paid 40 
hard for 1 paper when the Emission was current at par. 

He says no Distinction can be made between French- 
men & other Foreigners or between any Foreigner and 
native Citizens. That all Foreigners become temporary 
Citizens. That they made such Profits as to be able to 
lose 3 Ships in 5, and this he proves by the prices of pur- 
chases and Sales. That they run no more Risk of Sea & 
Enemy than the Natives did in Trade. 

That France is as much benefitted by trading with us as 
we are by trading with her. That the merchants of Eng- 
land had much more due to them when Mass. called in a 
Currency at 7J and that the King ever partial to his own 
Subjects in England against those in America would not 
have confirmed the Law of Mass : if both he & his Coun- 
cil had not thought it just in Regard to the British as well 
as wise in the Americans. That France will doubtless 
form the same Judgment upon the present measures when 
she is as fully informed. That he (M. r A.) cannot at- 
tempt to persuade Congress to alter a Resolve the Wis- 
dom and Justice of which has the fullest Approbation of 
his own Judgment and his most cordial Wishes for its 
Success ; That as a plain and candid answer to a Ques- 
tion, he must say he thinks such Proceedings the only 
Way to gain & preserve Credit abroad because they dis- 
cover Wisdom Justice & also Vigor in the American 


I have injured his long Letter by these Extracts, but I 
give you and other friends some Satisfaction. 

Y. r affectionate 
J. L. 
(Endorsed) A letter from M. r Lovell, Dec. 1 ' 5. th 1780. 

Dec/ 19, 1780. 

I was unable on the last postday to thank you for y. r 
favor of Nov/ 23. d — then, thro* want of time — now, I 
am scarcely able thro' much Indisposition of Body to 
notice largely all the Points to which you expect my 
attention. As to Bermuda you seem to have conversed 
more with merchants who own Privateers than with Poli- 
ticians who know the great Portion of our friends in Ber- 
muda above our Enemies a Portion which ousrht not to be 
driven into'the mode of fitting out Cruisers who would be 
as troublesome to us as they were to the french formerly. 
As to the Duck in the Agents hands orders have been 
given. As to the Resolve of Nov/ f£ respecting our 
Delegation, Circumstances at this moment make Remarks 
very requisite. 

I have been ill 4 days tho' I have had a pen in my 
hand all the Time in my Chamber. Gen. 1 Ward is quite 
unwell, he has attended Congress & the B. d of War while 
he ought to have been in his Bed Room. M/ Adams is 
not out, 1 fear he is also unwell. It was to make up a 
Delegation that I have risqued myself this very vile day. 
Questions on European important Concerns are agitating; 
and single Voices serve several States, as always hereto- 
fore. I do not mention this because I am averse to the 
Rule of our State that 2 should be the least to give her 
Vote here especially when she directed 5 or 4 to attend 
"upon the Duties of the Delegation." Kay if she does not 
enjoin that upon more than 3. But when she makes 3 
necessary "to give the Voice of the State" she puts a great 
hardship upon 3 when only 3 are attending the Duties of 
their Delegation and runs a treble Risque beyond several 
States of losing her Vote here daily. Mass. has been at 


extraordinary Expense beyond many states in furnishing 
heads and hands to perform Congress Drudgery, and her 
members have more of the Work of standing Boards & 
Committees than most others, because their Residence has 
been more usually permanent ; This has exposed her to 
lose a Vote when she has made numbers necessary to give 
it. One of her Delegates may often render tenfold Ser- 
vice on the Board or Com. tee of which he is a member by 
serving an entire day on it than by being in Congress 
merely as a make-voie. You well know these things by 
your past Sufferings, and M. r Gerry has felt them at the 
Peril of his Life. Whatever may have been the Intention 
of a remarkable Variety in the Course of 4 years respect- 
ing the Voice of Mass > here, I do believe that in the 
present Case the Words do not speak the Intentions of 
the Movers of the Resolve. I am so persuaded of that, 
as to determine not to present the latter Vote to Con- 
gress with the proceedings of Oct. 4, more especially if 
one of us here shall be unwell; — till I hear more from 
you. I am almost determined not to write any more to 
you for either my Letters must be quite insignificant or I 
must tell Tales to the Enemy. 10 or 1 L of those I wrote 
Nov. 1 ' 20 & 21 are gone into N. Yk. Amonsf them those 
to M. r Gerry (inclosing one I think from M/ J. Adams), 
Doct. 1 ' Holten Docter Whitwell Mrs. Adams (inclosing 
one certainly from her Husband) Gov/ Hancock M. r S. 
Gridley with my Rhode Island & Family Letters. I am 
told two mails trom hence are laying at Fish-kill. There 
are some immense Genii in the Post office Department 
but I am told they say the Faults of Congress marr their 

Y. r Friend and h. serv/ 

James Lovell. 

(Directed) Hon. ble Doctor Holten 
Philad/ Boston. 

Ja. s Lovell. 

(Endorsed) A letter from M. r Lovell Dec/ 1780. 
rec. d the 4. th Jan. y answer. d 11. th 


Jan/y 2. d 1781. 

Some days ago I got Sight of one of my Letters to 
M. r Gerry published by Jemmy Rivington, but tho' I 
wrote to you on the same Nov/ 20. th I do not find thro' 
the same Chanel what was the nature of the Scrawl. I 
have, at some time, told you that I should aim to per- 
suade my Colleagues to keep back the last Rule laid clown 
by the Assembly for the Government of the Delegates of 
Mass : in Congress because from the very wording of the 
Resolve as well as from your Letter of a Date which I 
cannot now recollect, I am convinced that the intent was 
to oblige not more than 3 to attend on the Duties of the 
Delegation. I have so far prevailed as to get the Gentle- 
men to wait for some Explanation, but we have agreed to 
be all together punctual in attending to give our Voice, 
that we may not become culpable if such was the real 
intent of the Resolve : but this very day proves what I 
before wrote, that I could be much more usefully em- 
ployed in my Chamber than here in Congress, a packet 
boat beinjy under absolute order for Sailing to France. 

The Paper of Dunlap is not a news Paper Today. 

Yours affectionately 
J. L. 
hon. ble Doct. r Holten 

(Endorsed) A letter from M. r Lovell Jan. y 2. d 1781. 

16 Jan/y 1781. 
Dear Sir 

We had yesterday no Post from the eastern Side 
of Hudson's River. I inclose a paper for M. r Jay which 
you will be pleased to send to the Navy Board. lam 
mortified by knowing from M. r Laurens that the Letters 
"given to him by M. r Lovell and the Admiralty are in 
the Enemy's Hands." 

J. L. 
(Directed) Hon. ble Doct/ Holten. 
(Endorsed) A letter from M. r Lovell Jan.* 1781. 


Jan. 23. d 1781. 
Dear Sir 

You will have found, on seeing M. r Gerry that I 
endeavor to economize. I told him that "M. r Dana had 
a Commission" for Russia, and I referred him to my 
"Scrawl to you" for other Points. Maryland confeder- 
ates, Virginia seems to give away Something for the good 
of the Union and recommends to others to do the like. 
I will aim to get the Act long enough to find Time to 
copy it, if M. r Otis does not leave this City today. The 
Com. tee of April 10. th , 80 on Depreciation for the Staff 
was filled up Jan. y 5. th 81 and the Instructions to the 
Delegates of Mass : were referred. Money is exceed- 
ingly scarce here yet Exchange is from 100 to 115 old for 
Silver. Loaf Sugar 2 s 6 or 36 dollars p. r lb. I pay 200 
for Stockings and the same for Shoes. Compulsion is 
urged as a congressional measure by Jersey & Pensylv. a 
but I think we are become too wise. Things appear to 
M. r J. Adams Oct : 24 to indicate a malignant Continu- 
ance of War on the Part of Britain. 

I should have mentioned that Maryland has limited the 
Time beyond which she will not receive the old money. 
I wish I could purchase up all your new. It will most 
assuredly be high in Credit soon, tho' it seemed a little 
while ago as if the other States meant not to act in con- 
cert upon the Plan of the 18 of March. 

We are determined it shall have its Chance of Success ; 
We, mighty Men, totally dependent upon 13 Legislatures 
different in Views, for Support in our smallest Endeavors 
to carry on the War. Indeed, my dear Sir, we are in a 
Condition as to payment of our Debts that is most tor- 
menting. All our Creditors must loan to us, and I sup- 
pose most of them would willingly do it if they saw their 
interest certain against the clue Day. I wish you w. d tell 
me upon what Kesolve it is that our Court have acted in 
Eegard to advances to Allen the Indian Agent. I can 
only find Jan. y 8 and May 13 1777 which my Colleagues 
say is not what they have supposed to be at all. I will 
continue my Search. M. r Gerry had a memorand. m of 
the secret Ke solves of all the years. We have some cold 


Weather at last, but it is more wholesome than the past 
wet warm Season. I hope you have Health. I wish you 
that & every Happiness. 

Affectionately J. L. 

(Directed) Hon. ble Samuel Holten Esq. 

fav. d by Mr. Otis Boston. 

(Endorsed) M. r Lovell's letter Jan.^ 23. d 1781 
[Rec. d ] Feb.* 28 Ans. March 1. 

Feb. 8, 1781. 
Dear Sir 

I have received your Favor of January 18. tb and 
have delivered the one inclosed to Doctor Duffield. 

The Speech of the King of Engl. d to his Parliament, 
and the narrative of Brigadier Morgan's Success shall be 
inclosed for your Information at the latter you must re- 
joice with Fear. It was in itself the most compleat 
action of this War, but I do not forsee adequate Conse- 
quences. Our Army there is no match for Cornwallis, 
and if he pushes suddenly he will ruin Gen. 1 Green, who 
from dire necessity has been obliged to conduct himself 
by Detachments one of which being ruined the whole will 
probably be involved in the Fortune ; But if he had the 
6000 he wants he could not feed them together. As to 
the King of England's Speech it may be construed for 
War or Peace ; for, the only Thing that can be gathered 
from it is that he thinks he has got a Parliament abso- 
lutely devoted to his Will. It is that which gives him 
move than ordinary Satisfaction. 

Our Prospects as to Money do not brighten, you may 
be assured that 115 were yesterday given for 1 and this 
at a Time when every Body complains of the Want of 
old Bills. I think much of this Harm arises from the 
Tender Acts of this State. It is supposed that the next 
publication of Exchange will be at 100. This is the 
Story propagated as the foundation of demanding upwards 
of 100 for 1. But, why should I say any Thing on this 


! Head you well know the People here and their vile Prac- 

I am affectionately Yours J. L. 
(Directed) Honorable Samuel Holten Esq. r 

Expr. M. r Brown Boston. 

(Endorsed) Hon. 1 M. r Lovell's letter, Feb/ 8, 1781. 

March 23, 1781. 
Dear Sir 

I am to acknowledge your kind attentions of Feb. 
10 and March l. st I hoped to be able to give you a 
better account of Cornwallis than you have of Arnold : 
But we must wait some Days longer before we can judge 
whether he will fail in his Retreat. As to Arnold He is 
yet too safe. I shall have opportunity of writing again 
next Thursday and will forward any Intelligence that may 
happen to arrive before that Time. I wish you had been 
a little more diffuse as to the Calculation of Interest at 
y. r Treasury Office. I do not well comprehend your Hint 
in your Postscript. I will give you on the next page the 
Result of that Appointment of a Com. tee of which you 
was one April 10. It is only giving Good Words to some 
of the Staff. 

You will find that we got very happily through a Re- 
solve respecting Allen's Department at the Eastward. 
The Resolve has been transmitted. 

Y. r Friend and affectionate humb. Serv.* 

James Lovell. 
Hon. ble Doctor Holten. 

The Resolve was reconsidered and recommitted. I 
therefore tear it off. 

(Endorsed) A letter from the Honble M. r Lovell, 

March 25, 1781. 

March 27. th 1781. 
Dear Sir 

I yesterday received your Favor of the 15. th , as I 
did also some Letters from M. r Carmichael through M. r 


Gerry's Care ; But still I have none from M. r Jay, which 
is very mysterious. 

I am rejoiced to find the Spirit of our State so high in 
the common Cause notwithstand. g all its particular Bur- 

You will know the Conduct of the french Fleet off the 
Capes of Virginia before this reaches you ; but you are 
now also to hear that Green has lost a Battle. The french 
were under an absolute necessity of fighting, they would 
otherwise have sacrificed a little Glory to the main pur- 
pose of their sailing from Newport. They behaved most 
gallantly. We have only to lament their and our Disap- 
pointment by a Fog first and afterwards by a Want of 
Swiftness in 5 of their Ships which obliged the 3 fast 
Sailers to tarry for them and risque the Battle. You will 
have your wish as to Bermuda. All saving Clauses of 
former Resolves respecting that Island, and respecting 
Settlers and the Importers of Arms &c. will be repealed 
unless so far as that the Repeal sh. d not condemn Vessels 
now in port or Bermudians with Salt only arriving before 
the l. st of May. You will not publish my Communica- 
tions unless I send the Acts of Congress. I hope you 
will see that the unparallelled Distress of Congress in 
Money Matters leaves no Remedy but calling upon such 
States as are able to furnish enough for our Necessities 
without affecting the true Quota which individual States 
ought to pay upon the confederal Principles. 

I wish you Happiness being sincerely and with Esteem 
Your Friend and numb. Serv.* J. L. 

(Endorsed) A letter from the Honble. M. r Lovell 

March 27. th 1781. 

Apr. 24, 1781. 
Dear Sir 

I am to thank you for your Favor of the 12. th and 
can only make Return at this Time by inclosing Gazettes 
which I hope you will show to M. r Gerry before you send 
them to the Navy Board as usual to be forwarded. He 
will in return let you know how little we know from 


Europe. Some very particular Engagements public & 
private prevent my enlarging further than to add affec- 
tionate and respectful assurances of being 

Yours J. L. 
(Endorsed) A letter from M. r Lovell Apr. 1 24. th 1781. 

April 17, 1781. 
Dear Sir 

I have this day rec. d your Favor of March 29. th 
and am as barren of news as you were at that date. The 
Post is become useless for Politicians to a very great 
Degree but I cannot refrain from giving you a Return 
made to Gen. 1 Washington on the l. st of April and by 
him forwarded to Congress. 

Recruits, April 1, 1781. 

jollied unfit retained 


N. H. 





R. I. 











after the Return. 
N. Yk. 67 67 

Cornwallis has retreated quite out of Green's Reach. 
The Time of the Yirg. a militia being expired our army is 
weak. There were the greatest marks of Distress left 
by the British. Their Dead were buried by our People. 
You were in Congress at an easy happy Period of Busi- 
ness tho' you did not know it, nor did I then guess it. 

Yours affectionately J. L. 
(Directed) Hon. ble Samuel Holten 

Philad. a Boston 

Ja. s Lovell. 
(Endorsed) A letter from the Hon. 1 Mr. Lovell, Ap. 1 
17. th 1781. 

[Rec. d ] May 6, 16. Ans. d y. e 7. th May. 


May 8, 1781 

Dear Sir 

I yesterday ree. d y. r favor of April 26. th I am 
glad to hear from you that the Massa : Troops are coming 
on in large numbers. Indeed Doctor the States in most 
Credit in Compliance with the Requisitions of Congress 
are very very backward and the affairs of the Continent 
are consequently in a most alarming Situation. I scratched 
a Letter and would not trust it to the Post. Perhaps I 
shall send it by M. r Payne who goes tomorrow. 

I inclose a Paper which will show something of the 
Shock of the old Continental Currency. 

If the Weather is fair Tomorrow I think I shall be able 
to £et up to the State House. 

Your Friend & h. S.* • 

James Lovell. 

Hon. Mr. Holten. 

May 8, 1781. 
Dear Sir 

Your Favor of the 26. of April reached me yes- 
terday. Your Troops are coming on "in large numbers." 
The General informs you that Tents &c. will be much 
wanted ; and the Court will make their "usual Exertions." 
Indeed Doctor I am peisuaded that in a comparative 
View Massachusetts will appear to have been among the 
most vigorous States ; but we are at this moment in the 
most disgraceful and hazardous Situation from the Back- 
wardness of every individual State. Foreign Troops are 
to garison West Point because foreign Troops can feed 
themselves, and are paid. Our Quar. 1 ' Mast. 1 ' gen. 1 has 
been obliged to sell some of his provision to enable him- 
self to transport the rest to a Skeliton of an Army in 
Want of the very Pounds of meat or Flour which he has 
been forced to part with. If you know of a Compliance 
with one Requisition of Congress, in Time & Quantity, 
do let me have it that I may show it to the Delegates of 
the 12 States who cannot produce a single Instance. 

We are in an Uproar here about the Money. Sailors 


with Clubs parade the Streets instead of working for 
Paper. The Beer houses demand hard for a Pot of 
Drink; and all this because the Council have published 
that the difference between Silver and old Continental 
was 174, the latter having been sold 180 & 200 for one 
several Days. Did Massachusetts sink its Quota by the 
1 st of April? Some States had not then begun to sink a 

You say M. r Partridge and M. r Osgood are coming on : 
I ask with what money in their Pockets? That of our 
State is not counted money here. The old continental is 
dying by Yards not Inches. And if my Friends purchase 
Gold with their State money, They become Speculators, 
say all the Villains who have created the Necessity. Are 
you not aware of the Perdition that awaits my Family 
while the Paper System goes on. I take a Thousand 
Dollars here whether in old or 5 & f State I draw for 
1000 or 25 State. I lose the Interest on the 25 as I have 
twice or thrice done on 250 and I pay above 1500 for 
patching my Coat, &c. 

May 9. th 1781. 
My dear Sir 

I had begun to write to } T ou, to go by Post 
yesterday, but fell upon a Topic not lit to be trusted in 
that way, and therefore covered you a news Paper under 
a few Words of Intelligence. I had a private Occasion 
to write afterwards to M. r Gerry somewhat largely about 
money, and therefore do not add any Thing to the in- 
closed Scrawl, persuaded that he will converse with you 
respecting my Letter and the Position of your Delegates 
here. But I must not refrain from adding that their pri- 
vate Embarrassments are but a small Clue towards ex- 
plaining their public. Congress without their money 
Presses, depending on the punctual Supplies of the States 
are, at this critical Period of the Campaign, as a Set of 
Clockmakers from whom an Orrery or Microcosm is ex- 
pected tho' their Hands are evidently struck with the dead 

I shall trouble you not again with any private Concerns. 


If I can hobble up Street I will endeavor to make the 
Backwardness of the Printer of the Journals less & less 
a Disadvantage by giving you often manuscript Heads of 
what you ought to know. 

Affect* & with Esteem 
Hon. Mr. Holten. Y. rs J. L. 

(Directed) Hon. ble Samuel Holten Esq. 
Philad. a Boston. 

Jas. Lovell. 
(Endorsed) Three Letters from Mr. Lovell ye 8 & 9 
of May 1781. Ans. d May 24. th 

May 22. d 
D. Sir 

I am to thank you for your Favor of the 7. th The 
Militia at the Southward have behaved very ill at Times 
and most gallantly also in Turn ; and Gov. 1 * Jefferson 
says they have had their Triumph in seing picked british 
Regulars run like Sheep before very inferior Numbers of 
our Men. 

I have already mentioned to M. r Adams his Namesakes 
Plan of a Loan in Holland and our Receipt of a most 
cordial Letter from the King of France upon the Repre- 
sentation of our Finances last November. We have not 
yet the Detail of his friendly Intentions. They are com- 
municated in Cyphers. 

I think Cornwallis will certainly join Phillips but I 
hope G. 1 Green will succeed at Campden. 

Y. v Friend & humble Serv. 1 

James Lovell. 
Hon. b,e Doct/ Holten. 

(Directed) Hon. ble Samuel Holten 
Philad. a A Counsellor of Massachusetts 

Ja. s Lovell. Boston. 

(Endorsed) A letter from the Hon. 1 M. r Lovell, May 
22. d 1781. 

rec. d June 20. th Ans. d — 21. 


May 29, 81. 
D. r Sir 

I have y. r Favor of the 17. th doubly and trebly 
agreeable as it proved your own Health Mr. Gerry's and 
his success. I had really fixed him to a sick Bed. 

You will be anxious about our Intelligence from Eu- 
rope. We have much but I am too greatly overcome by 
the Heat, to sweat over the Consideration of what I ought 
to communicate to be consistent with an Obligation to 
Secresy imposed at this Time with a propriety not always 
connected with that Injunction in our continental Assem- 
bly. However, 1 may tell you that your own Printers 
have given you quite enough to show you that the Wheel 
of Time will not afford you another such six months as 
the Coming. Political Glory or Infamy of a lasting Kind 
is most assuredly depending on them, more especially on 
the two first of them, in which there must be an almost 
universal Change of Manners. Every Requisition already 
made must be fully complied with, and even more must 
be in forwardness. Let not the former Calls of once for 
all make us callous on this Occasion. The Execrations 
of Posterity will fall more justly perhaps on the Inatten- 
tion & Negligence of the States distant from the imme- 
diate Carnage of the War than upon the Despondency 
and Cowardwice of those in which it centers should we 
finally be disgraced by a Combination of all those Cir- 

Y. r Anxious Fr. d 

J. L. 

Oh this stagnated Air of Philad. a I cannot write to 
M. r Adams am happy to hear he is well at home. 

(Endorsed) M. r Lovell's letter May 29. th 1781. 

Among the papers of Dr. Holyoke is the following bill 
against the Colony for professional services. It was 
written by him on very coarse brown wrapping paper, 
and is without any signature. It would appear by his 



books of account, which are in the possession of the 
Institute, that the bill, of which this was probably a 
duplicate, was not paid except the last five items. 

The Colony of the M. Bay to E. A. Holyoke 

To Surgery, to sundry medicines administer. d & 
dance on sundry Persons, as follows Viz.* 

1775 Nath. 1 Cleaves of Beverley wounded in Lexing- 

ton Battle. 
Apr. 1 20. th To amputating his finger, sutures &c. 8_ > 
toMay24. th To 5 Dressings D.° 4_ ) 

Apr. 20.* 

20. th 

May 23. 

to 30. th 

June 15.* h 
to 24. th 

June 22. d 
to July 16. th 

June 23. 

July 2 d 

4 tu 

July 1. 
Aug. 17 

Sept. 10. th 
To 18.* 

A Kegular Soldier (a Prisoner) wounded in Lex- 
ington Battle. 
To Dressing his Leg & Jour, to Danvers 3_ 

Dennis Wallis, wounded in Lexington Battle. 
To Dressing his Thigh & a Journey 3_ 

Tho. 8 Manning of Col. Mansfield's Reg.* (Pleu- 
To phlebotJ2_8 To 10 Visits 13_4 ) 
To sundry med. s 6_2 at 6 several times > 

Edw. a 25 Rogers of Col. Little's Reg.* (Pleuritic) 

To phlebotJ 2_8 To 9 Journeys & Visits to 1 

Danvers 18_ > 

To med. s at 7 several times 3_10 ) 

Cap. n Eben. r Winship of Col. Mansfield's (Pleu- 
To phlebot/ 2_8 To 19 visits 25_4 
To med. 8 at 14 several times 11_ 

Pike of Col. Little's Reg.* Pleuritic. 
To phlebot. 1_4 To 2 Journeys 4_ 
To med. 3 _4 

Eben. r Kenney of Mansfield's. 
To 2 Visits & Journeys 4_ 
To med." at twice 1_10 

Jn.° Rice of Col. Mansfield's. 
To visit 1_4 To med. 3 1_ 

Thomas Williams of Col. Mansfield's 
To visit 1_4 Med. 9 _8 

Math[ews] Jackson of Col. Mansfield's (Pleu- 
To 4 visits 5_4 ) 

To med. 3 at 3 times 1_10 > 




D. r 



1_ 2_ 2 

1_ 4_ 6 


5_ 8 

2_ 4 

7_ 2 

25 Edmund of Newburyport in Dr. Holyoke's ledger. 


Oct. 13 th 
To 30 

Oct. 14 
To 16 

May 26 


Sep. r 7 

Oct. 10 
To Nov. 20 

Nov. 9 

Nov. 16 

Dec. 17 


Dec. 28 
to Jan. y 4 


Jan.y 3 


Aug. 29 
to Sep. r 15 

Aug. 17 


Bro.' forward 

John Preston of Col. Mansfield's (Rheumatic) 

To 8 visits 10_8 ) 

To med. 8 at 7 times 5_2 > 

Isaac Taylor of Col. Mansfield's 
To 2 visits 2_8 
To med. 8 at 3 times 2_-2 

David Newhall of Col. Mansfield's 
To 2 visits 2_8 
To med. 3 _8 
To Dressing his scalded feet 4 times & 

cerates 5__4 
To Amputating his Arm 40_ 26 
To 30 Dressings 40_ & med. 8 4 



Wa[tts] of 
To 6 visits 8_ 
To med. 8 at 5 several times 5_ > 


To visit 1- 4 To med. 3 1_ 

Jn.° Marble soldier on board Cap. n Adams 
To phlebot. 1_4 To med.' _8 
visit 1_4 

Ralph Taylor a captive (carpent/ of y. e store 
ship) [ ] 

To 8 visits 10_8 > per order of 

To med. 8 at 6 several times 3_2 ) M. r Felt 

Jn.° Sinclair (captive) of y e ordnanc stor Brig. 6 [ 
To phlebot. 1_4 > 

To visit 1_4 med. 8 _8 > 

Joshua Bickford soldier in Col. Mansfield's 
To phlebotJ 2_8 To 11 visits 14_ 
To med. 3 at 8 several times 4_8 

Pickworth of 
To plebot 1_4 To 6 visits 8_ 
To med. 8 at 6 times 3_2 


Col. Mansfield's (Pleuropneu- 


4 10 

4_12_ 8 

2_ 4 
3_ 4 

3_ 4 

1_ 2_ 

12__ 6 

£15_10_ 4 

(Endorsed) Acc° ag.' Colony of Massachusetts Bay. 

The following minutes, made at the time, refer to some 
of the events of the revolution. 
Dr. Holyoke has these entries in his almanac : 

1774, August 10, Delegates from Boston set out for Philadelphia. 
" " 13, The 59. th Regiment landed at Salem. 

26 Lost in defending a Privateer of a Ship of War. 


1774, Sept. 10, The 59. th Regiment marched from Salem for Boston. 

1775, June 17, Battle at Charlestown. Charlestown burned. 
" " 19, Great numbers removed from this town. 

1776, July 13, Declaration of Independence published. 

Dr. Holyoke's wife writes to her uncle, Jonathan 

Simpson : 

1780, Feb. 27, We are put to the greatest difficulty to provide for 
our family, even the common necessaries of Provision & Clothing. 
Wood has been frequently sold at one hundred pounds L. M. per cord 
& the lowest £ 60 & other things in the same proportion, so that it is 
almost impossible to live. * * * We are obliged to wear now vhat 
we should have been ashamed to have given away. 

In the diary of John Mascarene, then the Collector at 
the Port of Salem, are the following entries : 

1775, April 19, Hostilities begun between the King's Troops & our 

1775, April 28, Capt. John Derby sailed for London with an account 
of the battle on the 19. th 

1775, June 17, A fight in Charlestown & the town burned by the 
the King's troops. 

1775, June 18, A melancholy sabbath. No public worship. The 
country in confusion. 

1775, July 18, Boston town meeting at Concord. Capt. Derby ar- 
rived from England. 

1775, Oct. 12, Gen. 1 Lee came to town, viewed the Companies. 

In a memorandum-book of preachers and texts Jona- 
than Gardner of Salem occasionally refers to public 

1775, April 23, No meeting on account of the grate surprise the 
people were in, and fearing that Ships of War should come in to 
Salem and Distroy the town. It was allso expected a seasure of Pro- 
visions so that there was from three to four h indred teams in for 
Provisions & Goods, which made grate Confusion. 

1775, June 18, No meeting by Reason of a battle at Charlestown 
last night by the Regular troops and the Provincials, wherein fifteen 
hundred of the former was slain & wounded, only about one hundred 
of the latter, which was a Miracle. 

1776, March 18, This day the Regular troops Imbarked from Boston 
hall.Mown to Nantasket & part saild 25 & the remainder saild 27 day. 




Vol. XIII. October, 1876. * No. 4. 

orderly book of the regiment of artillery 

raised for the defence of the 

town of boston in 1776. 1 

[Continued from Vol. XIII, page 134, Part 2.] 


Head Quarters Boston Aug.* 5. th 1777. 
Orel red 

That a Reg.* 1 Court Martial Be held to Morrow at 
the Labouratory at 10 oClock for the Try all of Isaac 
Pilsberry in Cap. 1 Grays Company. 

Cap. 1 Amos Lincoln President. 
Leiut. White Judge Advocate 

By Orders of T. Crafts Col.° ArtillJ 
Proceedings of a regimental Court Martial held at the 
Laboratory in the Reg.* of Artill. Command. d by Col 
Tho. s Crafts. 

By Order of the Col.° for the Tryal of Isaac 
Pilsberry, Matross in Cap.* Grays Comp. y in said Reg.* 
Boston Aug.* 8. th 1777. 

Cap. Amos Lincoln, President. 
Leiu.* White Judge Advocate. 

x The most of this number is recorded in the handwriting of Adj. Newhall. 
17 (237) 


Prisoners Crime, Drunk on Guard and Not able to Do 
his Duty. 

Pleads Guilty. 
The Court after Impartialy Judging the Nature of the 
Offence are still of Oppinion and Do sentence the pris- 
oner to Receive Ten Lashes on his Naked Back with a 
Cat O Nine Taills. 

Amos Lincoln, Preside 
The Col. Disaproves the sentance of the Court Martial 
& Pardons the Prisoner. 

P. r Order Col.° Crafts 

Head Quarters Boston Aug.* 8 th 1777. 

That Leiu.* Marston with the Detachment that went j 
first down to Hull with him return to Boston the first 
Conveniant Opportunity. 

By Order Col. Crafts. 

Head Quarters Boston Aug.* 10 th 1777. 

That Eighteen Non Commission'd Officers, Serjeants, 
Corporals, Bombardiers, Gunners, & four Matrosses, be 
draughted every day to do duty at the Laboratory to 
work the same hours as the last Orders. 

That all the Non Commission'd Officers and Matrosses 
of Duty Punctually and Strictly follow the late Orders 
for Exercising the Cannon and small Arms. 

The Major and Adjutant will see that these Orders are 
Strictly Executed both by Commission'd, Non Commissi 
Officers and Matrosses. 

By Order Col. Crafts. 

Head Quarters Boston Aug.* 12.* h 1777. 

That their be an addition of three to the Guard and 
that one Centinel be placed at or Near the Marque as 
Centinel in the Camp. 

That the Serjeants be very attentive in seeing that the 


Straw in the Streets in Camp are swept every Morning 
and that all sorts of Dirt, Rags &. c , are removed from 
within the Park. 

That one Sec. d Lieu. 1 mount Guard every Day, and 
Report not only the Occurances of the Guard & Reg. 1 , but 
the State of the Park and Camp. 

By Order of Cot. T. Crafts. 

Head Quarters Boston Aug. 1 15. th 1777. 

That a General Court Martial be held at the Labor- 
atory to Morrow at 10 oClock for the Tryal of such 
Prisoners as shall be brought before them. 

Col. Revere, President. 
By Order Col.° T. Crafts. 

Head Quarters Boston Aug.* 16. th 1777. 
Proceedings of a General Court Martial held in the 
State Reg.* of ArtillJ Com. d by Col.° Tho. s Crafts for 
the Tryal of John Griffith Serg.* in Cap. * Marrett's 
Comp. y and Nath. 1 Trowles, Gun. 1 * in s. d Comp. y by Order 
of y e Col.° 

Lieu-' Col.° Revere, President. 
Prisoners Crimes. 
John Griffith Neglect of Duty. Nath. 1 Fowles, Gun. r 
leaving his Detachment at Castle Island without Liberty 
of the Commanding Officer. 

Both Pleads Guilty. 
The Court after Mature Deliberation are of oppinion 
that John Griffith be repremanded at the Head of y e 
Reg.* by y e Adjutant at such time and Place as the Col.° 
shall appoint. 

That Nath. 1 Fowles be Reduced to the Ranks. 

Sign'd Paul Revere President. 
The Col. approves of the Sentance of the Court and 
Orders it to be Executed at Roll Call this Evening, and 
that Cap.* Marrett send Fowles to his Station at the 
Order'd that the Court be Disolv'd. 


Head Quarters Boston Aug. 1 17. th 1777. 

It is with great Uneasiness and Regret the Col.° finds 
himself under the Disagreeable Necessity in this Publick 
Manner to say he finds so little regard has been paid to 
his Orders of y e 22 d June he not having yet receiv'd one 
Return of a Size Roll, or a Description Roll. 

It gives him Pain to find so many Officers Deficiant in] 
Attending Roll Call and Exercising notwithstanding hisl 
posative Orders for that Purpose of July y e l. 8t and since 
renewed by Orders of Aug. 1 10. th 

Altho' he has only mentioned Officers he finds the Non 
Commissi Officers and Matrosses have almost lost every 
Idea of Military Subordination and Discipline, and that 
many of them Totaly Neglect their Duty and make the 
miserable Plea of Porgetfulness there Excuse. 

As Court and Cashering for Commissi Officers as well 
as severe Punishments for Non Commissi Officers and 
Matrosses is Extremely Disagreable to him the Necessity 
of the Military Laws being put in Execution appears to 
him absolutely Necessary, he has, therefore, come to a 
Determination they shall be executed without favour or 
affection in future both on Officers and Men. 

He is sorry to hear that some Officers have taken upon 
themselves to Judge of the Propriety, or impropriety oi 
Orders, by Voluntarily having entred the Army they give 
up their Right of Private Judgment, and are to look on 
themselves as Machines, to obey Orders implicitly. 

He is by no means pleas'd with the Advantage that has 
been taken of his Lenity, in granting leave to the Cap. t£ 
to suffer some of their Men to lay out of Camp as he 
finds it is so general that there is perhaps not more than 
one in a Tent and Expects this great Evil will be reme- 
died Immediately. 

As every Cap. 1 is or ought to be Furnished with thq 
Regulations of the Army as order'd by this State. 

That they be read at the Head of each Comp. y the last 
Tuesday in the Morning in every Month in future, ana 
the standing (orders which are ready to be Deliver'd) orJ 
Tuesday, every Fortnight. 


That each Cap.* make an immediate return of the Non 
Commissi Officers and Matros. 8 what Blanketts, Cloath- 
ing are wanting, and the necessary Equiptments for their 

Head Quarters Boston Aug. 1 19. th 1777. 

That Edmond Morse be restored as Corporel in Cap.* 
Bradle's Company who was lately reduced to the Ranks 
by a Court Martial, as his Good behavour since has Mer- 
rited a restoration. 

By Order Col.° T. Crafts. 

Head Quarters Boston Aug.* 19. th 1777. 

That a Regimental Court Martial be held to morrow 
Morning 10 oClock for the Tryal of such Prisoners as 
may be brought before them. 

Cap.* Phillips President. 

Paul Revere, L.* Col. 

Head Quarters Boston Aug.* 20. th 1777. 
Proceedings of a Regimental Court Martial held in the 
State Reg.* of Artill. y Commanded by Col.° Tho. s Crafts 
for the Tryal of such Prisoners as may be brought before 
them. By Order L.* Col.° Revere. 

Cap.* Turner Phillips, President. 
Prisoners Names — Samuel Peabody Matross in Cap.* 
Lincoln's Comp. y Ephriam Norcutt, W. m Norcutt and 
Zenus Norcutt, all of Cap.* Balches Comp. y 
Prisoners Crimes. 
Sam. 11 Peabody being absent from Roll Call and not 
appearing for Guard when warned. Ephraim Norcutt, 
W. m Norcutt, and Zenus Norcutt, Destroying the Bar- 
i racks. 

Samuel Peabody Pleads Guilty. Ephraim Norcutt, 
W. m Norcutt, and Zenus Norcutt not Guilty. 

Sam. 11 Peabody says he was mistaken in the time of 
Day, Thought it was but Eight oClock when it was Nine. 


Ephraim Norcutt, W. m Norcutt, and Zeuus Norcutt 
Pleads not Guilty. 

Tho. s Pelham being duly sworn says he saw Ephraim 
Norcutt and Zenus Norcutt carrying away the Pieces out 
of the Barrack Yard. 

Jere. h Blanchard Sworn Says he saw Eph. m and Zenus 
carry away the pieces to their House. 

Ephraim Norcutt and Zenus Norcutt say in their De- 
fense that they had no wood, and that Go wen told them 
to go and get some at the Barrack. 

The Court having Duly considered the Evidence, are 
of Oppinion that Sam. 11 Peabody, Ephraim Norcutt, and 
Zenus Norcutt are Guilty of the Crimes alledged against 
them, but that W. m Norcutt is not Guilty, and do Sen- 
tance that Sam. 11 Peabody, Ephraim Norcutt, and Zenus 
Norcutt be employed in Diging a Vault and Cleaning the 
Camp and Park, exclusive of their other Duty, and that 
W. Norcutt be released from his Confinement. 

Turner Phillips, President. 

The Col.° Approves of the Sentance of the Court and 
Orders the Adjutant to see it executed. 

They are to begin to Dig this Afternoon. 
The Court is Dissolvd. 

Head Quarters Boston Aug.* 21. 8t 1777. 

That a General Court Martial be held to morrow at 10 
oClock for the Tryal of such Prisoners as may be brought 
before them. 

Major Melvill President. 
Lieu. 1 White Judge Advocate. 

Paul Revere Lieu. 1 Col. 

Head Quarters Boston Aug. 1 22. d 1777. 
Proceedings of a General Court Martial held in the 
Reg. 1 of Artill. y Comma. d by Col.° Tho. s Crafts, by Order 
Col.° Revere. 

President Major Tho. s Melvill. 

Judge Advocate Lieu. 1 White. 

Prisoners Names : John Go wen, John Grigory. 


John Gowen for Destroying the Barracks. Pleads 

John Grigory for being in Liquor making a Disturbance 
in the Streets and refusing to go to his Quarters, abusing 
and striking Serj.* Reidel. Pleads not Guilty. 

John Grigory Dammaging the Guard House. Pleads 

John Grigory Deserting from under Guard, and enter- 
ing on Board the Washington Privateer, Threatning to 
kill the First Man who should come to take him. Pleads 
not Guilty. 

The Court after maturely Considering the Evidence for 
and against John Gowen are of oppinion he is Guilty of 
the Crime laid to his Charge and Sentance him to be 
Multed Twenty-Four Shillings out of his wages. 

The Court after maturely Considering the Evidence for 
and against John Grigory for Disobeying the Serj. ts 
Orders are of Oppinion he is Guilty of the Charge, and 
do Sentance him to Receive ten Lashes on his Naked 
Back with a Catt of Nine Tails. 

The Court after maturely Considering the Evidence for 
and against John Grigory for Striking the Serj. 1 are of 
Oppinion he is Guilty of the Crime and do Sentance him 
to receive Thirty Nine Lashes on his Naked back with a 
Catt of Nine Tails. 

The Court after maturely considering the evidence for 
and against John Grigory of deserting from under Guard 
are of Oppinion it is no Crime. 

The Court after maturely considering the Evidence for 
and against John Grigory for Entring on Board the 
Washington Privateer are of Oppinion he is Guilty of 
the Charge and do Sentance him to Receive Thirty Nine 
Lashes on his Naked Back with a Cat of Nine Tails. 
And also for Threatning with his Knife Drawn to be the 
Death of the first of the Guard who should come to take 
him and actually wounding one, and otherwise being 
very abusive, sentence him to receive Thirty Nine Lashes 
on his Naked Back with a Catt of Nine Tails. 

Tho. s Melvill President. 

The Col.° approves of the Sentance of the Court, both 
of Grigory and Gowing, and Orders that Gowing be 


releas'cl, and that Grigory Receive his Punishment on 
Monday Morning one Hour before Roll Call and that the 
whole of the Reg.* now in Town be paraded for that 

The Court is Dissolved. 

Head Quarters Boston Aug. 1 24. th 1777. 
Guards as Usual. 

That exercising be Omitted tomorrow morning. That 
Roll Call in the After Noon be at half after Six oClock. 

By Order Col.° Tho. s Crafts. 

Head Quarters Boston Aug.* 24. th 1777. 

An Address to the Non Commissioned Officers & Ma- 

The Col. is extremely sorry, & it gives him pain to 
think, he is at last Obliged to Consent to the Corporal 
Punishment of one in his Regiment. He had flattered 
himself altho' he had pardoned so many, that his last 
declaration, not to pardon in future, would have deter'd 
the Men from presuming on his lenity. 

Punishments are extremely erksom & clisagreable to 
him ; but he is Obliged to say he finds they are Absolutely 
Necessary. The enormous crimes of the present Offender 
are so Great that he could not pass it over in Justice to 
the State, the Reg.*, or himself. He cannot but please 
himself, the men will look on this punishment as strictly 
Just & Right, that their Conduct will be such in future as 
that he will never have the hard & selfdenying task of 
either Judging on, or approving of such another punish- 

Altho Gregory's crimes are so great the Col. thinks 
proper to take off all but fifty Stripes. 2 

2 Gregory was sentenced to receive 118 lashes; by the above order they are 
reduced to 50. 


Head Quarters Boston Aug. 1 27. th 1777. 

That Lieu.* Col. Revere, Major Melvill, Capt.' Edes, 
Cap. 1 Gray, Todd, Phillips, Bradle, Cap. 1 Lieu.* Ingersol, 
Scollay, Bussey, Meinzies & Warner, First Lieu. ts Revere, 
Grant, Marston, MeClure & Bell, Second Lieu. ts Hude- 
bert, Metcalf, Meinzies & Ingersol, Quarter Master, Ser- 
geant, five Drums & five fifes, one Hundred & twenty, 
Sergants, Corporels, Bombardiers, Gunners & Matrosses, 
the whole to hold themselves in Readiness to March at a 
Moment's Warning with six days provisions. 3 

The Commissioned Officers & Men are to Carry no 
other CI oaths than their Regimentals, two pair Stockings 
& two Shirts. 

The whole of the Above Non Commissioned Officers & 
Matrosses to appear tomorrow Morning at Roll Call com- 
pleatly equip'd for Marching. Their provisions will be 
Drawn for them which they are to Carry, except what 
they now have by them, which they are to Cook to Night. 

By Order Col. T. Crafts. 

Head Quarters Boston Aug.* 28. th 1777. 

The Legislature of this State haveing Appointed this 
day 28. th Aug.* as a Day of Humiliation and Prayer : 

That the Commission'd Officers, Matrosses, &c. Appear 
at the park dressed in their Uniform Clean & Powder'd 
precisely at half after one oClock P. M. and from thence 
March to the late Rev. d M. r How's Meeting House to hear 
a Sermon preached to them by the Rev. d M. r Thatcher. 

After worship is over the whole of the Detachment 
Under Marching Orders will form at the Meeting-house 
Door & March from thence in Regular Order to the Com- 
mon, receive their Arms and Baggage & immediately 
March from thence out of town to their destination. 

By Order Col. T. Crafts. 

3 Sent to Worcester to take charge of the Prisoners captured at Bennington by 
Gen. Starks. (Note by Major Melvill in 1833. J. K.) 


Watertown Aug.* 29. tb 1777. 
As Strict Discipline, and Good Order is the life & 
Soul of a Soldier, the Lieu. 1 Colonel expects that there 
will be the best Order observed on the March, the Com- 
missioned Officers are to see that the men behave well, 
that they by no Means hurt or destroy any man's prop- 
erty, that they Abuse no person, but in everything behave 
like men Belonging to the Massachusetts State Train of 
Artillery. When their is a halt the Serg. ts are to be Ac- 
countable for the behavour of the Men. Should any of 
the Non Commis'd Officers or Soldiers be so hardy as to 
act Contrary to the Above directions they may depend 
upon being punished with the utmost Severity. 

By Order Col.° Revere. 

Head Quarters Worcester Sep. r 2. d 1777. 

That there be a Guard Rais'd this evening to consist of 
one Cap.* L.*, one first & one second Lieu.*, two Serg. ts , 
four Corp. ls , one Drum & one fife and twenty-seven men 
to mount at the Meeting-house. The whole Detachment 
will draw four Days provision to Morrow Morning at 7 
oClock & cooke it by nine so as to be Ready to March at 

By order L.* Col. Revere. 

[Note. 4 The detachment marched to Worcester and 
took charge of several hundred prisoners, 5 Highlanders, 
Germans, Canadians, &c, and escorted them to Boston. 
John Marston, 25 May, 1833.] 

Head Quarters Boston Sep. r 7.* h 1777. 

That the Quarter Guard and the party for the Labora- 

4 (This note was entered by Lt. Marston, living at this date. J. K.) 
e These prisoners were taken by Gen. Stark at Bennington, and the trophies of 
this campaign, now suspended in the Senate Chamber of Mass., placed there by 
order of the General Court (Ho. Jour., Dec. 4, 1777), were sent by Gen. Stark to the 
Authorities of Mass. 


tory be the same tomorrow as it was before the Detach- 
ment March'd for Worcester. That Koll Call in the 
Afternoon be at six oClock. 

That their be a General Court Martial held tomorrow 
at 10 oClock at the Laboratory for the trial of such Pris- 
oners as shall be brought before them. 

Col. Revere President. 
Judge Advocate L. 4 White. 

By Order Col. T. Crafts. 

Head Quarters. 
Proceedings of a General Court Martial held in the 
Reg. 1 of Artillery Commanded by Col. Tho. s Crafts by 
Order the Col.° Boston Sep/ 6> 1777. 

President L. 1 Col.° Revere. 
Judge Advocate L.* White. 
Prisoner's Names. 
John Gowin, Thomas Cleverly, Caleb Southward. 
Prisoner's Crimes. 
John Gowen for Stealing, being Drunk, Deserting a file 
of men & Abusing Serg. 1 Griffith. 

Pleads not Guilty. 
Tho. s Cleverly & Caleb Southward for playing Cards 
on the Sabbath. 

Pleads Guilty. 
The Court after maturely considering the Evidence for 
& against John Gowin are of Opinion he is not Guilty, 
no Evidence appearing for his being Drunk, & that his 
Deserting the Guard & Abuse of Serg.* Griffith was while 
a prisoner & not Punishable by this Court & therefore do 
acquit him. 

The Court are of Oppinion that Cleverly ride the 
Wooden Horse for a Quarter of an hour with a Muskett 
at each foot & that Southward Clean the Streets of the 

Paul Revere Presid.* 
The Col. Approves of the Sentance of the Court on 
Each Prisoner & orders it to be executed tomorrow 
Morning after Roll Call. 

The Court is Dissolved. 


Head Quarters Boston Sep/ 16. th 1777. 

That the Captains who Commanded in the Detachment 
that went to Worcester see that the Cartridges which 
were Deliver'd out to the Men under their Command be 
Return'd to the Commissary of Ordnance tomorrow Morn- 

By Order Col.° T. Crafts. 


Head Quarters Boston Sep.* 16. th 1777. 

That a Corporal & three Matrosses be sent this Morn- 
ing as a Guard to the Magazine at West Boston. 

By Order Col.° T. Crafts. 

Head Quarters Boston Sep.* 21. 8t 1777. 

That the Commission'd, Non Commissioned Officers & 
Matrosses in Town & at the out port hold themselves in 
readiness by Thursday 25 th Instant to go on a secret ex- 
pedition. The time the Reg. 1 will be employ'd in s d ser- 
vice will not exceed 6 weeks. Ordered that the Officers 
& Men take no more baggage than what will be Abso- 
lutely Necessary. 

Ordered, That an immediate return be made of the 
Regiment with the waiters sick, on furlow, & at the Out 
posts and that the Adjutant have s'd Return ready by to 
Morrow 3 oClock. 

By order Col. T. Crafts. 

Head Quarters Boston Sep.* 23. d 1777. 

That the tattoo be beat this Evening: at 9 oClock to 
sett of from the Laboratory down the lane & through the 
Main street & then up Winter Street to the Laboratory 

Ordered, That every Non Commission'd Officer & Ma- 
tross sleep in Camp this Night, except those who shall 


receive leave in writing from their Captains to the con- 
trary & any one who's taken up in the Streets after Tattoo 
beating shall be committed to the Main Guard at Fort 
Hill, or to the common Goal, & the Commission'd Officers 
will be particularly attentive to the Verbal Orders they 
have received respecting this Matter. 

By order Col. T. Crafts. 

State of Massachusetts Bay, 

In Council Sep. 4 23/ 1 1777. 
Order'd that the several Captains in Col.° Craft's Regi- 
ment of Artillery in the Service of this State who have 
receiv'd or shall receive Warrants upon the Treasury of 
this State for Money for the use of the Men borne on 
their respective Rolls for wages to the first day of Octo- 
ber next be & they are hereby directed not to pay any of 
their Men who have signed & presented to Col.° Crafts a 
certain mutinous writing -wherein among other things 
they .have absolutely refused to March according to orders 
duly & regularly issued, untill the further Order of the 
Board, such Warrants Notwithstanding. 

State of Massachusetts Bay, 

Council Chamber Sept. 1 ' 26. th 1777. 
Sergeant Mathew James of Capt. Balch's Company, 
Sergeant Henry Sibley of Capt. Gill's Company, 
Sergeant Thaddeus Gale of Capt. Phillip's Company, 
Sergeant Ephraim Durant of Capt. Edes's Company, 
Sergeant Ebenezer White of Capt. Todd's Company, 
Sergeant Benjamin Hodgkins of Capt. Bradle's Company, 
Sergeant John Griffith of Capt. Marrett's Company, 
Sergeant Ephraim Bullard of Capt. Gray's Company, 

All of Col.° Thomas Craft's Regiment of Train tried 
at a Special Court Martial whereof IA Col.° Revere was 
President for exciting, beginning, causing & joining in a 
Mutiny & Sedition in said Regiment, and Sentanced by 
said Court each of them to be whipped Thirty Nine 
Stripes on his bare back & that each of them be reduced 
to the Ranks. 


The Council approves of the said sentances & order 
them to be put in Execution this Day at five oClock 
Afternoon in presence of the Reg. 1 to which they belong 
in such place as Col. Crafts shall direct. 

Sign'd Jere. Powell President. 

State of Massachusetts Bay, 

Council Chamber, Sept. r 26, th 1777. 

Whereas, Mathew James, Henry Sibley, Thaddeus 
Gale, Ephraim Durant, Ebenezer White, Benjamin Hodg- 
kins, John Griffith, & Ephraim Bullard, all Sergeants in 
Colonel Crafts' Regiment, & Sentanced Yesterday by a 
Court Martial to be whipped & reduced to the ranks, 
& said sentance having been approved by the Council & 
Order'd to be put in execution & whereas the said Per- 
sons have all of them Petitioned this Board praying that 
a Pardon may be Granted them & they exempted from 
suffering the said sentance & Col.° Crafts & Lieut. Col. 
Revere having requested mercy for them, Therefore, 

Ordered, That the Pardon be & hereby is granted to 
the said Mathew James, Henry Sibley, Thaddeus Gale, 
Ephraim Durant, Ebenezer White, Benjamin Hodgkins, 
John Griffith & Ephraim Ballard, all sergeants in Col. 
Crafts' Regiment, & Col.° Crafts is hereby directed to 
discharge them from their confinement without punish- 
ment & they are directed to return to their duty, the sen- 
tance of the Court Martial of Yesterday & order of the 
Council of this day directing the said sentance to be put 
in execution notwithstanding. 

And Col.° Crafts is also further directed to Order his 
Captains to pay the Men who were represented to this 
Board as Guilty of Mutiny & the Order of the Board of 
the 23. d instant to the contrary Notwithstanding. 

[Note. The above mentioned Sergeants & others re- 
fused to march out of the State and to go on the expedi- 
tion to Rhode Island. J. Marston, May, 1833. ] 6 

6 Note made by J. Marston as of date. J. K. 


Head Quarters Boston Sep.* 26. th 1777. 

That the whole of the Regiment hold themselves in 
readiness to March to Morrow at 10 oClock. 7 

That the Non Commissioned Officers & Men have three 
Day's Provision cook'd. 

By Order Col. T. Crafts. 

There appears to have been no entries made in the 
Orderly Book during the first Campaign to Rhode Island ; 
but finding a few family letters written by Sergeant Major 
William Russell, they are introduced as tending to illus- 
trate incidentally the duty devolving upon the command 
of Col. Crafts. (J. K.) 

Tiverton, Oct/ 2. d 1777. 
My Dear : 

These few Lines comes with my Love to you & 
family, hop'g they will find you & yours as well as they 
leave me. I have not time to write all I want to for M. r 
Hamilton is waiting. We are in good Quarters & about 
4 miles from the Enemy. The Militia comes to us fast. 
Every thing .on the Roads is very dear. Rum is 20s. a 
Quart. Pray write to me by M. r Hamilton as he is to 
come back quick. Excuse my shortness. I am my Dear 
your ever Lov'g Husband till Death. — W. m Russell. 

Hearsay & Griffith Desires to be Rememb. d to all. My 
Love to all friends. 

Tiverton, Octob. r 8. th 1777. 
My Beloved Wife : 

These few lines comes, with my Sincere 
love to you & family, hoping they will find them as well 
as they leave me (God's Name be Praised for it). I 
never had my health better than I now have, & God has 
cast my lot in a Good family, where the Gentlewoman 

7 This expedition was to be a secret one; its object was not fully understood. 
It was to consist of several thousand troops from the nearest counties, the State 
Train of Artillery under Col. Crafts, with the Militia of Mass. under Gen. Hancock, 
the whole under Gen. Spencer of Connecticut. Its failure was attributed to the 
inability of concentrating troops promptly and in sufficient force. It was severely 
criticized in the Boston Gazette of January, 1778. 


makes of me as a little child (M. rs Durfey). My dear, 
I only want your Company and family to make me com- 
pleatly happy in this World, but that can't be obtain'd 
yet. I trust it wont be long before I shall be at home 
again. This day M. rs Jemima Wilkinson was at my 
Quarters, and Spoke with us, & Exorted us to Repent, 
and turn to the Lord and he would have mercy upon us. 
It is the same Woman that was at Boston, & I like her 
much, & I beg of you to seek the Lord while he may 
be found, and pray for me, that God would cover my 
head in the day of Battle, which I expect before this day 
week. My dear, I long to have a letter from you & pray 
send every opportunity. Pray send me some Sugar, for 
I can't get any here. I live well, have Apples & Milk 
for Breakfast & Supper, Good Meat & Sauce for Dinner. 

You may send me some writing paper & Sugar by M. r 
Hamilton, he is a good friend to me. My Dear Wife, 
my heart is with you. Pray excuse my shortness. I am 
& ever shall Remain your lov'g husband till Death us part, 

W m . Russell. 

P. S. Remember me to all my friends, duty to my 
mothers, love to M. r Pierce & Wife, &c, love to M." 
Farnum, &c. 

Hearsay, Griffith, Wilson, &c, are well, desire to be 
Remember'd. This is the 4. th Lett/, Rec. d only one. 

Tiverton Oct. r lo. th 1777. 
My Dear : 

I am well, & glad to receive your Letters, it gives 
me Joy to read your Writing. I should have been glad 
to have got the Sugar, however, the Boats are ready, for 
to carry us immediately to Newport, where I hope to get 
some. My dear Wife, excuse my Reprimand that I sent 
and Accept my love. I am sorry to find that Sammy has 
been ill, glad to hear that he & Mame is better. I am in 
such haste, that I can't enlarge. My dear, excuse my 
shortness. Your Lov. g Husband till death, 

W. m Russell. 
When you write send to the Laboratory. My duty to 
my Mothers. Love to my friends. This Night I am a 
going on the Island. [To be continued.] 




At a Town Meeting the 20 th of the 11 th 48. 

Thomas Barker, Humfrey Reyner, Mathew Boys, Wil- 
liam Acee, Thomas Lever were chosen to order the 
affaires of the towne this yeare. 

Thomas Dickinson was chosen to be constable this 

Mr. Richard Swan, William Law, William Jackson and 
John Scales were to be overseers of the Hy wayes and 
Common Gates and fences, and to see to the execution of 
all such orders as shall be made this yeare. 

•John Pickard is chosen Marshill for gathering all the 
fines and forfettures this yeare. 

Ed Carleton, Francis Parrot are chosen to assist the 
five men in laying the ministry rate this yeare. 

Ed Carleton, Capt. Briggam, Thomas Mighell, Francis 
Parrot, Mathew Boyes, Joseph Jewett were chosen to 
Judge and determine every mans proportion of land in 
the miclows. 

1 The book from which the following was copied seems to have been the first 
book used by the early town clerks for recording the doings of town meetings. 
About 1672 a new book Avas begun, which is now called " Book No. 1 " of the town 
records, and into it was copied everything in the old book, except the following 
names of persons who were elected from time to time as officers of the town. The 
old book was then discarded and suffered to go to ruin. Many of its pages are 
gone, and in a few years the names Avill be effaced. 

18 (253) 


5 men chosen for this yeare ensuing, 
Capt. Briggam, Thomas Mighel, Maximilian Jewet, 
Thomas Barker, Thomas Lever. 

Thomas Dickinson chosen constable this yeare 1649. 
Overseers for the execution of towne orders and hy 
waves this 1649 

Hu Smith, Samuell Brokelbanke, 

John Smith, John Person. 

Brother Joseph Jewett and Deacon Mighell to vew the 
bounding of midows by the 4 of 3 rd month. 

John Person, John Pickard and Will Boynton are 

chosen to warne towne metings this 7 th of febuary 49. 

febuary 7 th 49 

Tho. Mighell, Math : Bo} r es and Joseph Jewett were 

chosen to determyne any difference that may arise be- 

twene any about ther fence and allsoe bounds of midows. 


January the third 50 at a Towne Meeting the Select 
then chose lor this yeare folowing — 

Mathew Boyes, John Trumble, Thomas Leaver. 

Constable, the same that was. 

Overseers, Joh Smith, Edward Hason, Hugh Chaplin, 
Samuell Brocklbank. 

Marshall, Will Law. 

For warning Town Meeting, Thomas Teny, who is 
allsoe to call towne meetings, William Stickney, William 

Pinder, John Pallmer. 

December the 19 th 

Chosen for pruclcntiall men 

Francis Parrot, William Asie, Hugh Smith, William 
Boynton, Samuell Brocklebank. 


Overseers, Edward Hasen, William Teny, Hugh Chap- 
lin, John Boynton. 

Marshall, William Law. 
Constable, John Pickard. 

Kichard Swan, William Hobson, William Stickney, 
Samuell Brocklebanke, William Tenny, are chosen to 
order the affaires of the towne for the yeare ensuing upon 
the 20 th of December 1652. 


William Hobson, John Pickard, Thomas Dickinson, 
William Tenney, John Smith, are chosen to order the 
affaires of the towne for the yeare ensuing upon the 16 th 
of December 1653. 

for constable, Thomas Leaver. 

for Marshall, Thomas Tenney. 

for overseers, James Bayley, John Person, John Bar- 
ker, Petter Couper. 

for ponder, Charles Browne. 

for calling towne meetings, Thomas Teney. 

for warners, John Trumble, Tobiah Collman, John 


Thomas Dickinson, Ezekiel Northen, John Pickard, 
William Law, William Tenny, are chosen to order the 
affaires of the towne for the yeare ensuing upon the 12 th 
of December 54. 

Those that are chosen to judge defects of them that 
are fined for not comming to towne meetings, Levetenent 
Reminton, James Barker, Richard Swan, Thomas Lever, 
12 th December 54. 


Richard Swan & Thomas Tenriy are chosen for over- 
seers for the plaine. 

for constable, Will Tenny. 

for Marshall, John Tod. 

for overseers, Hue Smith, John Boynton, Marke Prime, 
Edward Hasin. 

for Pinder, Andrew Heaclen. 

for calling towne meetings, William Asee. 

for warning towne meetings, John Trumble, Tobiah 
Colman, John Tenny. 

[1655 no record.] 


At a legall towne meeting were chosen for towne office 
as folowing. 

For five men, Rich. Swane, Jo. Trumball, Tho. Dick- 
enson, Wiliam Stickney, Wiliam Lawe. 

for overseers, William Jackson, Rich. Clark, Jon. 
Jonson, Tho. Abbot. 

for cunstable, Jon Pickard. 

for marshall, Jon Pickard. 

a clarke to call towne meetings, Tho. Leaver. 

to warn towne meetings, Jon Trumbal, William Stick- 
ney, Tho. Leaver, William Law. 

for a pinder, Tho. Abbot. 

to judge of such, are delinquent at towne meetings, 
Levetenant Reminton, James Barker, William Asa and 
Tho Leaver. 

Levetenant Broklebanke and Corperall Northen was 
chosen to lay out a country hy way betwixt Topsfield and 
Meremak according to law. 

Also Ezekell Northen and John Person was chosen to 
run the Lyne betwixt Nubery and Rowdy. 

[1657, 1658, 1659, no record.] 


Offecers for the towne for the year 1660 and 1661. 
Will Teny constable & marshall. 
for Selectmen, For Overseers, 

M. r Nelson, Richard Clark, 

John Pickerd, William Jackson, 

Will : Stickney, Richard Longhorne, 

Ezekill Northend, Edward Hazen. 

Thomas Teny. 
For the great plaine overseers, 

Richard Swan & Will : Teney. 
For calling towne meetings, Samuell Platts. 
For warneing meettings for our end, Thomas Tene} 7- . 
For the other end, Joh. Pickerd. 
For pounders for our end, James Bally or son John. 

Sam. Stickney. 
Searlher of leyther, Deacon Jewet & Joh Dresser. 
Judges of Delinquents, Ensign Brocklbank, 

James Barker. 


At a generall Towne Meetinge held the 7 th 10: 61, 
were chosen Town Officers for the Towne of Rowley for 
the remaininge time of 61 and 62. 

Imprimis John Todd for Constable & Marshall. 

For Selectmen, Richard Swan, Thomas Tenny, Ensigne 
Brochellbanke, John Dresser, Abell Langly. 

Overseers for this yeare, John Burbanke, Richard 
Clark, Edward Hassen & Richard Holmes. 

For Newbury fence, John Johnson, John Lambert. 

Overseers for Pentucket side, John Gage and Henery 
Kingsbury for fences and highways. 

Overseers for ye Great plaine, Will Teny and James 

Clarke for calling Town Meetting, Samuell Plats. 


For warneing Towne Meeting Job Drusure at Midi of 
Towne & ye end & Richard Swan & Tho. Teny for east 

For Pounders John Spofferd, Joh Grant & Thomas 

Searlher of Leather, Deacon Jewitt & John Druser. 

Judges of Delinquents, Left. Broklbanke, James Bar- 
ker, Will Teny, James Bally. 

[1662 no record.] 


At a legall Towne Meeting held the 3 th of January, 
1663 were chosen Towne oficers for the remaineing part 
of the same yeare and part of the yeare 64. 

Imprimis, for constable & marshall, William Law. 

For Sellectmen, Richard Swan, Ezekiell Northend, 
Samuell Brocklebanke, Abell Langley, Jeremiah Else- 

Overseers at East end, Richard Hollmes, Samuel Plats. 
West end, John Burbanke, Laonard Har- 

For calling Towne Meetings, William Tenny. 

Overseers Nubery fence, John Jonson, Thomas Nelson. 

For Pounders, John Spoferd, John Pallmer, Samuell 

Pinder for west end, William Jackson. 

Pounders for the farme, Mr. Nelson and Henery Reyley. 

Judges of delinquients for not comeing to Towne meet- 
ings, James Bay ley, Marke Prime, James Barker, William 

Officers of the towne for the remaineing part of the 
yeare 64 and 65 chosen at a legall towne meeting 7 th of 
January 1664. 


for counstables and towne marshalls, Richard Swan and 
William Tenny. 

For moderator of town meetings, Deacon Jewett. 

For selectmen, Thomas Leaver, Samuel Plats, Thomas 
Nelson, John Brocklebanke, Leaonard Harriman. 

Overseers for east-end of the towne, Thomas Tenney, 
John Pallmer. 

for west end, John Burbanke, John Boynton, senior. 

Overseers for Nubery fence, John Jonson, John Lam- 

for pounders for east field and farme, Mr. Phillip Nel- 
son, John Spoferd, Samuel Stickney, Andrew Hiden. 

for calling towne meetings, William Tenney. 

Judges for to fine dellinquents for not comming to towne 
meeting, Marke Prime, James Bayley, Samuell Brockle- 
banke, James Barker. 

January the 9, 1665. For y e yeare 1665 & 1666. 
Thomas Teny & John Palmer ar chosen constables. 
Ezekell Northend, James Bally, John Dresser, Lenord 
Haryman, Thomas Leaver. [Selectmen.] 

Overseers at our end, Abell Langley, John Grant, 
for y e other end, John Spoferd & James Dickinson, 
for Merymake, Joseph Pike, Lon Gage. 
Pinders for our end, Henery Ryley, Samuell Stickney, 
Andrew Hiden, Anthony Austin. 
Judges of Delinquents, 

for our end, William Asee, Edward Hazon. 

for Bradforth streete end, James Barker, 

Jonathan Plats. 

A generall Towne Meeting January ye ninth 1666. 
Thomas Teny & John Palmer, chosen for constables 
this folowing yeare being 1667. 


Ezkcll Northen, John Tod, John Person, William 
Tenny, Richard Clarke, chosen 5 men this year. 

John Lamberd, John Johnson, overseers for east end. 

James Dickisson, John Spawford, overseers for west 

James Baley, Hennery Ryley, overseers for Nubery 

Thomas Tenny & John Palmer are to be marshals for 
ye yeare following. 

Thomas Wood and Samuel Stickney are chosen for 
pinders for ye yeare ensuing. 

Thomas Tenny is chosen for calling Towne meetting 
for ye year ensuing. 

William Asa & Edward Hasen, James Barker and 
Jonathan Plats are chosen for judges for ye yeare ensuing. 
Deacon Jewet and John Dressir, senier, chosen to seale 
Lether for ye year ensuing. 

Benjamin Gage & Joseph Pike are chosen for overseers 
for ye yeare ensuing. 

[1667 no record.] 


At a leagall Towne meeting held January the eight, 

Ther was chosen by the towne to serve as constables 
for the yeare ensueing, Ezekiell Northend, Abell Langley. 
Also they are chosen for Towne Marshal Is to gather fines. 

For Sellectmen, Samuell Plats, Edward Hasen, Leao- 
nard Harriman, Samuell Mighill, Jonathan Plats. 

Overseers for the west end of the Towne, James Dick- 
inson, Ezekiell Mighill. 

Overseers for the east end of the Towne, James Bayley, 
John Acie. 

Pinder for the north east feilld on the east side of 
Satchwell Brooke, James Barker, Junior, Gorge White. 


For the west side of Satchwell Brooke, Richard Swan. 

For Clarke to call Town Meetings, Thomas Leaver. 

For Judges to have the case of delinquents not comeing 
to Towne Meetings for the east end of the Towne, James 
Bay ley, William Tenny. For the west end of the Towne, 
James Barker, Senior, Gorge Kilborne. For Seal lers of 
Leather, Maximillion Jewet, John Dresser, Senior. 


Officers chosen for the service of the Towne for the 
remaineing part of the yeare (69 and 70) the 10 th of 
January 1669. 

For constables, Jeremiah Else worth, Richard Hollmes, 
and Marshal Is. 

For Sellectmen, Ezekiell Northeud, Thomas Lever, 
John Pearson, John Pickard, Leaonard Harriman. 

Overseers for vniing fences and hywayes and vuiing 
chimneys, Thomas Tene, Edward Hasne, James Dickin- 
son, Samuell Pallmer. 


At a leagall Towne Meeting held the 17 th of January 
1670 were chose by the Towne for the yeare ensuing. 

Constable, Jeremiah Elsworth. 

For Sellectmen, Thomas Tenney, Samuell Brockle- 
banke, John Jonson, John Trumble, John Pallmer. 

Overseers for west end of the Towne, John Burbanke, 
Danniell Wickam. 

for the east end, Richard Hollmes, John Acie. 

Overseers for Newbery fence, Mr. Nelson, John Grant. 

Pounders for the north east side, James Barker, Junior, 
Thomas Wood and his son John, Joseph Boynton. 

Pinclers for the west end of the Towne, Timothy Pall- 
mer, John Boynton Junior. 



At a Leagall Towne Meeting Held the 16 th of January, 
1671, for the yeare ensueing. 

for constable, Jeremiah Elseworth. 

Sellectmen, Samuell Brocklebanke, John Pickard, Jon- 
athan Plats, Samuell Plats, John Grant. 

Overseers at the- west end of the towne, John Burbanke, 
Daniel 1 Wickam. 

At the east end, James Bayley, Thomas Tenney. 

Pinders for the northeast field, John Watson, Timothy 
Pallmer, John Wood. For that part of field toward oxe 
pasture, Joseph Boynton. 



The following account of the above family by no 
means claims to be thorough, complete, or exhaustive. 
A complete history and genealogy of a large family re- 
quire an amount of time and research only to be bestowed 
hy one having abundant leisure. To clothe the dead 
names of a genealogy with the facts and incidents in their 
lives which make them interesting to their descendants, 
and give them personality, requires a knowledge of their 
collateral circumstances and events which a lifetime would 
fail to furnish. Family tradition generally preserves the 
interesting incidents in an individual's life only in his 
own immediate line, and in a country where relationship 
is hardly acknowledged beyond the third remove, an ac- 
quaintance with much more than the bare names of dis- 
tant branches is unusual and almost impossible. 

It follows, then, that in an attempt to preserve the 
names and circumstances of one's family, the compiler 
will give more prominence to his own immediate line 
from a more intimate knowledge of it, but were some 
member of each distinct branch to write its particular 
history, the result would be a collective record, really 
true to its name, & family history, and which could hardly 
fail to interest every one belonging to it. 

Usually, however, an account of all the branches de- 
volves upon one individual, and as his knowledge has in 



great part to be obtained from public records, it must, 
especially about other lines than his own, be exceedingly 

The accompanying family sketch, slight and fragmen- 
tary as it is, has consumed much time and labor in its 
preparation, but the record being once made, and our 
knowledge put in a definite and accessible form, it is 
hoped it may prove a basis for future additions. 


In an article upon the Deane Family in the "Genealog- 
ical Register" for Oct., 1849, there is an account of the 
origin and changes of the name of Dean at once accurate 
and complete ; from it we learn that "the name Den or 
Dene, which is the ancient way of spelling what is now 
written Deane, makes its appearance in England soon 
after the introduction of surnames. It was apparently 
derived from the Saxon word den or dene, a valley, which 
word is not yet quite obsolete, being preserved in the 
proper names of certain valleys in England, as Taunton 
Dean, Castle Eden Dean, &c. * * From Dene or Den 
at first but different modes of spelling the same w r ord, 
have arisen two surnames, which at the present time are 
entirely distinct, viz. : Deane and Denne. Though the 
name is of Saxon origin, it is by no means certain that all 
the families that bear it are so." The particle de, the 
Norman prefix, "at first was generally used in conjunction 
with the name Dene, but as the Saxon element became 
more prominent in English society, it was gradually aban- 
doned for the Saxon at, and its variations, which finally 
became the prevailing prefix." Rev. J. B. Deane,* 

*Rev. John Bathurst, F.S.A., of London, Eng., an eminent antiquary, who is 
perhaps better acquainted with the history and genealogy of the various families 
of Deanes in England than any other person." 


F.S.A., furnishes us with the following interesting re- 
marks upon the subject: "The prefix alte, at or a\ is 
common to many old English names, and was chiefly af- 
fected by those who prided themselves upon their Saxon 
descent. The name Deane is reckoned by Verstegan 
among the Saxon families, and accordingly the prefix at is 
frequently found in connection with it in the 13th and 
14th centuries." After the reign of Henry the Eighth, 
"generally throughout the kingdom the Norman prefix de 
vanished and the Saxon at was absorbed into the family 
name. A few, however, retained the latter, as A'Court, 
A'Becket, A'Deane, &c. The letter a was introduced 
into the name in the reign of Elizabeth, and Dene became 
Deane." "There are in England at least four distinct 
families of Deanes, from which all the others are off- 
shoots or branches." 

"The name of Dean (without the final e) is generally 
thought to be derived from the title of the Church di<mi- 
tary, and possibly in some families this may have been 
the origin. Lower, in his 'English Surnames,' derives it 
from both the church dignitary and the valley." 

The ancestor of the family in Salem seems to have 
generally spelled his name Deane, though it formed no 
exception to the general custom of that time, which seems 
to have been to spell the same name in as many different 
ways as possible. Afterward the final e was more often 
dropped, especially by Joseph, the son of George, and his 
descendants. Thomas, his brother, however, retained it. 
Sometimes, though rarely, it was spelled Dane, though 
oftener the name of Dane (borne by an Essex County 
family of no known relationship to the Salem Deanes) 
was spelled Dean or Deane. There was also a family 
here nimed Dynn,* now extinct. At present (18G6), I 

*See Appendix. 


believe no member of the family spells the name with the 
final e; it has yielded to the tendency of these latter I 
years to lay aside all superfluous vowels. It is still 
retained, though, by descendants of other early settlers | 
of the same name. 

Among the early settlers of this country of the name 
were Stephen, who arrived at Plymouth in 1621, Rachel 
(a widow), in 1635, and the brothers John and Walter, 
who arrived at Boston about 1637, and after a sojourn 
there of about a year went to Taunton, and who came 
from Taunton Dean, Somersetshire, Old England. "They 
were the progenitors of many of those now bearing the 
names Deane and Dean in the United States." 

Rev. John Bathurst Deane inclines to the opinion that 
John and Walter Deane belonged to the family of "Dene 
of Denelands," whose coat of arms was A lion* Or on a 
field Gules in chief Argent three Crescents Gules. 

"A tradition among their descendants exists that a 
younger brother of theirs came to this country after them 
and settled in Connecticut ; there was a Thomas Deane 
in Connecticut 1643, who may possibly have been the 
brother referred to." 

Felt says a "Thomas Dean was living (in Salem) in 
June, 1691, aged 95" (should it not be 25?), and an 
Elizabeth, daughter of Thomas, was baptized at First 
Ch., 28 d., 4 mo., 1668. George named one of his sons 
Thomas, and the name has been found in each generation 
since. A Thomas Deane, merchant, was of Boston as 
early as 1664 ; he returned to England and died there in 

A Thomas Deane also was of Hampton Falls and Salis- 

*Capt. Thomas Dean of Salem, who died July, 1S02, possessed two silver tan- 
kards, on which was engraved, as related by his grandaughter in familiar par- 
lance, " a lion on a silver field." 


bury, who d. 1737 ; he m. d Deborah, dan. of Rev. John 
and grdau. of Nath. Clarke; April 28, 1726, Arelielaus 
Adams of Newbury, Innholder, sells his d\v. ho. in Salis- 
bury for £100 to Mr. Thomas Dean of Hampton : — one 
bearing the same name is found at Charlestown, one at 
Taunton, and one of Concord was made Freeman, May 
15, 1672. Thomas of Exeter, who m. d Eliz. Woodbridge 
of S. m was perhaps son of the above and father of Benj. 
Woodbridge Dean of Exeter. 


(1) GEORGE DEANE 1 (2), b. ab.* 1640, was of 
Salem 1660, prior to which year he married Elizabeth 
, who was the mother of his children and who sur- 
vived him ; his will was offered for probate July 2, 1696. 
In the records he is sometimes called "cord winder" and 
sometimes " mariner ; " the latter I am inclined to think 
was his principal employment, and that he was captain of 
l the sloop of which he was partly owner, and engaged in 
the West Indian or coastwise trade, in which Salem at 
that time so largely engaged. The following entry in the 
County Court Records is evidence upon this point, as the 
names are those of large merchants of their time. "27, 
9, 1677. Edmond Bridges attorney of George Deane, 
Mr. John Ruck, Mr. Bartholomew Gedney and Mr. John 
Higginson, plaintiff against John Griffin" in an action of 

John Griffin came into Court and acknowledged judg- 
ment due to Edmond Bridges attorney of the above par- 
ties in the sum of £31, 2s. 3d. to be paid according to 
the terms mentioned in an instrument drawn between said 
parties dated 23, 9, 1677. The following is an abstract. 
Be it known that whereas John Griffin of Bradford hath 
acknowledged a judgment of Court in the sum of 31£. 


2s. 3d. payable to Jn.° Ruck, Bartholomew Geclney, Jn.° 
Higginson & George Deane, & by writing under his hand 
& seal hath delivered over to execution fifteen acres of 
his land at Bradford ferry as full satisfaction, &c. By 
these presents the above named doe declare that upon 
receipt of fifteen bushels of wheate fifteen of ry & thirty 
of Iudiane corne all marchantable & one thousand and a 
halfe of marchantable pine boards & what white-oak mar- 
chantable staves he can procure, all to be delivered att or 
before the last of aprili next ensuing the date hereof at 
some convenient landing place at Bradford unto the said 
parties &c, & the remainder of the afsd. sum of 31£. 2s. 
3d. that shall not be made good in the afsd. specie to be 
paid in neate fatt cattle delivered at Salem to the said 
parties &c. at or before the last clay of October next &c, 
being fully performed that then the said parties doe fully 
release their claim to the said land &c. &c. this twenty- 
eight day of november 1677. John Ruck, 
In presence of Bartholomew Geclney, 
John Pickering, John Higginsou, 
Edmond Bridges. George Deane. 

He perhaps received a grant of land from the town, 
although I have not as yet met with the record of any : — 
the first conveyance of any real estate to him being the 
above mentioned, from John Griffin of Bradford, and that 
perhaps was redeemed. But in Oct. 14, 1674, he sold 
to the noted Thomas Maule "Tailor" for £40 sterling the 
house, and piece of land containing "neere twenty poles 
as it is now fenced in," bounded AVest by Richard Croad, 
North by Thomas Bobbins, East by George Deane's land, 
"the house and land fronting upon the street southerly 
with the freedom and privilege of an Inlett five foot wide 
and free egress and regrees between the housing of said 
Deane and the eastern pt. of the said Thomas Maule's 


house now sold him for his convcnicntys of going in and 
out to his own land and for importing or exporting such 
things as the said Maule or his assigns may sec good to 
or from the said land of his." George Deane to have the 
same rights. His wife Eliz. h joins him in the sale giving 
up her right of dower. 

In presence of Richard Croade, 

Ephraim Marstone. 

According to this he owned two houses, and among the 
claims for common lands in 1713-4 Matthew Estes, to 
whom Maule's above portion went, and who with Mr. 
Robert Kitchen afterwards bought the rest, appears for 
"his house and one half of Deen's right" and Mr. K. "for 
the house where Deen lived, one old and half new one." 

Thomas Maule seems to have got into difficulty in 
things temporal as well as spiritual, if we may judge from 
the following records. 

The Testimony of George Deane aged about 40 yeares, 
& his son Thomas Deane about 16, & William Longstaff 
about 50. That on the 21st day 11. lh mo. 1680, they 
heard Tho. Maule say unto Richard Croade why doth thy 
wife say my new house stands two foot on thy land ; then 
Richard Croade made this answer to Thomas Maule & 
said that it was but woeman's talk & he could not help it 
their talk for saith Richard Croade I sett downe the 
fences between my neighbor Maule & me & sett it in the 
same place where it did stand always before & my neigh- 
bour Maule & I did agree very lovingly about it till we 
came to the back of the oven near the streete which went 
about two feet further than the outside of his new house 
now stands & what words then passed between me and 
my neighbour male about the oven were not worth the 
minding for it was not all that wee then contended about 



worth a farthing, soe when I had set down the fence my 
neighbour Maule and I divided it equally between us & 
my neighbour Maule paid me for my labour and after this 
was all done I made Thomas Maule's bill of sale, which 
runs as now bounded & fenced in, and also I became a 
witness to the bill of sale, And to the truth hereof we the 
above-mentioned" &c. have set our hands & seals this 21, 
11, 1680. 

"This testimony refers to ye bill of sale of George 
Deane to ye said Maule." 

And again, "John Reeves aged about 72 testify eth y. 1 
to his knowledge the house of Thomas Maule bought of 
George Deane doth stand wholly on the townes ground 
& the fence that fenced the heads of the lots left the said 
house without it about two foot, and the front of Thomas 
Maules new house standeth about fourteen feet on the 
townes ground being set upon a seller that John Kitching 
had made in ye townes comon. 

June 22, 1681, Swore to before me Bartholomew Ged- 
ney Ass. 1 " 

Tho Robbins testifieth to the same at the same time. 

It was perhaps to gratify some ill feeling towards his 
neighbors that the following accusation was brought : — 

27, 4, 1682. Thomas Deane and Charles Phillips being 
bound over to this Court upon suspicion of their cutting 
downe severall apletrees of Thomas Maule's they desiring 
to be tried by a jury. The Court granted it. The (evi- 
dences) being read comitted to the Court & are on file,* 
the jury brought in for their verdict, they find for the 
defendants not guilty." 

Thomas Maule was then "presented for breach of peace 
striking George Deane's children ; the case being heard 

*Qu. Are they still in existence? 


the Court sees cause to admonish the said male * * * & 
each to bear their own charges." 

The exact situation of the laud sold Thomas Maule I 
have not been able to ascertain. In an interesting bio- 
graphical sketch* of him, he is said to have owned sev- 
eral parcels of land, the one upon which he built his house 
and which was afterwards associated with his name beim* 
on the south side of Essex St., and conveyed to him by 
Joseph Neale, July 7, 1681. The contract for building' 
the house by Joshua Buff urn is also given, by which it 
appears that it was to be finished by the last of the 8. th 
month, 1679. 

As this was two years before the purchase from Joseph 
Neale, and as the above testimony dated 1680, the year 
after the house was built, refers to Thus. Maule's "new 
house" as built upon the land bought of George Deane, 
and as there is no positive evidence that the one built by 
Joshua Buffum was the same as that afterward known as 
Maule's I am inclined to think that such was not the case, 
but that that was the one about which the above evidence 
was taken, and which therefore must have stood on the 
opposite side of Essex St. The Kitchen family owned 
land on the corner of Essex and Beckford Sts. ; there 
until within a few years stood their mansion-house, after- 
wards owned by Dr.. Stearns, and probably in that neigh- 
borhood were situated the premises in question, f 

March 18, 1683-4, George Deane bought of Andrew 
Foster, Jr., of Andover for £12, 10s. a parcell of land 
lying for 10 acres in the town of Bradford, bound on the 
west by Ezekiel Mighill, north by ye great river of Mer- 
rimack, south-east by land of Richard Kimball, and south 
by ye country road y e leads from Bradford to Newbury. 

♦Essex Institute Collections, Vol. Ill, p. 238. f See appendix. 


The grantor also binds himself in the sum of £14 that 
his wife "when desired thereto and health and wealth 
permit shall with convenient speed take some opportunity 
to appear before a magistrate or Authority thereto author- 
ized & voluntarie & without fee from said George" &c, 
resign up her right of Dower in said land according to 
usual custom in law &c. &c. 

Before Sam. Hasleton. 

Again: — Samuel Hazleton of ye town of Bradford 
Yeoman for £9 well & truly paid him &c. by George 
Dean of Salem Shoomaker and Mariner, conveys to him 
a considerable parcell of meadow being three acres more 
or less in ye town of Boxford adjoining to the meadow of 
John Hazleton now in possession of Nathan Webster, 
and otherwise bounded. This 14. th of December 1687. 

Elizabeth Palfrey, 
Nathaniel Brown. 

Nov. 23, 1686, he buys of John Cole Sen. of ye Town 
of Linn and Sarah his wife for ye sum of 15£ near half 
an acre of land in Salem bounded on the South by land 
of Priscilla Bowres, West by the King's highway, North 
by a path running along ye North River & East by Joshua 
Buffum's land. 

Hugh Joanes, 

Joseph Foster, 

Abraham Wilkinson. 

The next year he bought the lot next «outh of the 
above as appears by the following deed : 

"This Indenture made ye 21st of 4 mo. called June in 
the year of our Lord according to ye English account 
1687 being ye third year of the reign of King James the 
Second over England," &c. "Between George Bowres 
of ye County of Kent in ye Territories of Pensilvania & 


Priscilla his wife on ye one part and George Deane of 
Salem," &c, &c, on ye other; they sell to him all that 
their messuage or tenement in Salem with seven rodd 
square of land being all fenced with one house on ye 
same being 18 feet long and 15 wide, bounded E. by 
Joshua BufFum, S. by Stephen Sewall, N. by said George 
Deane, & west with ye street. 

W. m Bowditch, 

W. m Nicholls, 

W. m Berry. 

The King's highway or street here mentioned was 
probably Dean St., as that got its name from the land in 
its vicinity owned by the family of the name, but this I 
have no other data to confirm. Federal St. was not then 
laid out, but a path or way lay along the bank of the 
North River.* 

However, without doubt in this neighborhood, some- 
where between Dean and Bickford Sts., his homestead 
stood, and after his death his descendants even to the last 
generation continued to live. 

This particular locality extending from what is now 
Warren St. over to the North River seems to have been 
especially inhabited by Quakers ; at the present day it 
contains the two meeting houses and the graveyard of 
that sect in the city, and the estates in the neighborhood 
were, about one hundred and fifty years ago, very many 
of them in their possession. A respectable, prosperous, 
and thoughtful set of people they were, and many of their 
descendants bearing their honored names, or through 
female lines, still live upon the same premises. From 
the fact that George Deane bought an estate in their 
midst, with Joshua Buffum on one side, and George 

*See appendix. 


Bowers on another, both of them Friends, the former 
being one of the leaders of the sect, from the studied 
plainness of the form of his will, so contrary to the usual 
long prefaces and formulas of the time, and from other 
corroborating evidences I am strongly inclined to think 
that he too was one of those peaceful people. 

We find from the Co. C. fc Records that upon the "25, 
4, 1667, The wife of Geo. Deane was convicted for not 
frequenting ye publicke ordinances of God on ye Lord's 
day." This absence, from the probable character of 
the parties, could only have arisen from a strong coun- 
ter religious conviction, and not from any depravity or 
thoughtless negligence. 

The general associations too, and family connections 
for the next generation or two, partook largely of the 
Quaker element, and one branch of the family at least 
has continued in that belief down to our own time. A 
very interesting page of local history remains yet to be 
written by some one having access to the records which 
may exist of the early Quakers, in Salem, Lynn, and 
adjacent localities, and industrious enough to gather up 
the traditions of them which yet remain. Perhaps from 
those we might obtain some information in regard to the 
subject of these remarks, interesting at least to those who 
derive their descent from him, and which would throw a 
little more positive light upon his life and surroundings. 
I find nothing more in the records concerning him except 
his Will ; this is as follows : 

"The Last will & Testament of George Deane of Salem 
the 23. d November 1688. 

I George Deane being of perfect memory doe make & 
constitute this to be my last will and testament after my 
debts & mineral Expences defrayed out of my estate. I 
dispose of the remainder as ffolloweth. 


1. I give .unto my clearly beloved wife my now dwell- 
ing-house and lands with all my household goods and the 
house and land which Ezckiel Lambert liveth in with 
barn and fences and all belonging thereunto, provided she 
pay unto my five children five pounds apce. which are 
these as followeth. John my eldest son, Joseph my 4th 
son and Benjamin my 5th son with my two daughters 
Elizabeth and Hannah each of them five pounds a piece. 

2. The land at Bradford both upland and meadow I 
leve it to my overseers to defray any just debts as shal 
appear against my Estate they to make sale thereof for 
the same purpose but let it be with the advice of my son 
Thomas Deane. 

3. I do give unto my two sons Thomas and George 
my part of the sloop : Thomas to have two-thirds : and 
George to have the other third : it is to be understood 
that but one-half of the sloop is mine which is to be so 
disposed of. Finally I request and appoint my Trusty 
friends Mr. Eobert Kitchen & Mr. Stephen Sewall to be 
overseers to see to the performance of this my last will 
and testament. In Witness to all the premises I set to 
my hand seal this 23. d of November 1688. 

George Deane. 
Signed Sealed in the presence 
of us 

William Furber* Sen/ 
Thomas Packer f 
William Furber Jun/" 

July 2, 1696, William Furber, Jun. r appeared and made 
oath to the above signing &c, &c, and that his Father 

* William Furber, Dover, 1643, had Win, b. 1646, who was of Dover, 1(384. 

t Thomas Packer, Portsmouth, 1685, a physician from London, was Col. Jmlge 
of Prob. and a counsel in 1719; d. 1728. Ibid. Hepsibah, ye wife of Thomas Pac- 
ker, d. Jan. 22, 1681, aged 25 years, 5 mouths. Charter St. Graveyard. 


William Furber, Sen., dec. d & Dr. Thomas Packer sub- 
scribed with him, &c. 

Dec. 18, 1696, Dr. Thomas Packer also made oath to 
the above signing. 

Nov. 16, 1697, Stephen Sewall declined the above trust. 

The names of the above witnesses are not those of 
residents. in Salem, and we find that the attestations to 
the signing of the will were not of the same date, giving 
reason to suppose that the witnesses were present in 
Salem at different times. As these parties were all resi- 
dents of or about Portsmouth it may have been that the 
testator was at Portsmouth, on a coastwise voyage, and 
being taken sick, then and there made his will, but re- 
covered from his sickness, and though surviving several 
years afterwards saw no reason to change the disposition 
of his property. It is certain that Dr. Packer attended 
him at some time, as I find in the Probate files, a charge 
from him for medicines. I fail to find in the records any 
inventory or further account of administration upon the 
estate. Plis widow Elizabeth survived him a few years. 
Dec. 22, 1698, she sells to her son Joseph, mariner, for 
the sum of £60 all that her homestead situate in Salem, 
being a dwelling house and quarter of an acre of land, 
bound on the West by land of Matthew Eastie,* North & 
East by Mr. Robert Kitchen, and South on ye main St., 
being the same given & bequeathed her by her late hus- 
band George Deane. 

John Hathorne, Jr. 
Stephen Ingalls. 

She probably continued to live here with her son. 
May 8, 1698, she sells unto Thomas Stickney of Brad- 
ford, Husbandman, for £21 in money and provisions a 

*To whom it probobly came from " my neighbour male." 


considerable pa reel 1 of meadow being three acres in ye 
Towne of Bradford adjoining to the meadow of John 
Hazletine sometime in possession of • Nathan Webster; 
also another parcel of land in Bradford of ten acres, be- 
ing the same sold to her husband in 1684 by Andrew 
Foster, Jr. Dec. 2 of the same year "Thomas Deane, 
eldest son of George Deane," consents unto and confirms 
the sale. 

She died probably Dec., 1704, and administration upon 
her estate was granted to her eldest son Thomas, Nov. 
29, 1705; the delay in administration may have been 
caused by his absence at sea. 

But he himself died before he had time to fulfill the 
trust, and it was therefore granted to her now "only sur- 
viving son Capt. Joseph Dean," July, 1706. He, July 
8th of that year exhibited an inventory of her estate ; it 
comprised only "one small dwelling-house & small barne 
orchard and garden" equal to about one half an acre of 
land and valued at £40, she having sold the rest of the 
real estate left her by her husband. This house with one 
half of the land was sold by her son and administrator 
Joseph to John Cooke, Jr., Dec. 19, 1706, for £22. 

In the Probate Files we find a few items relative to her 

"Estate of Eliz. h Deane debted unto estate of Thomas 
Deane deceased." 

1690. To Thomas Maule for my father's debt 
Dec. 12, 1691. To cash paid mother Deane 

" mony " Timothy Robinson 
Jan. 19, 1696. " " " Coll.o Higginson 
Aug. 25, 1698. " pd. dr. packer for medicines for 

father deane 
Dec. 26, 1704. To funeral charges & the docter 

Eliz.a Dean. 

1688 my son Thomas Deane Dr. 

To 16 months hier for my son Joseph on Board the sloop at 20s. per 
mo. £16 0. 0. 

£ 7. 



£ 3. 



< 10. 



1 10. 










To 50 lbs. Porke att 4cl. 16s. 8d. 
2 pair of Jersy stockings 7s. 

Salem, May 3. 1704. 
Mr. Thomas Deane is Dr. 
30 Elles Osinburgs at 12cl. per £1. 10. 0. 

Jos. Dean. 
Mch. 24, 1702. 
Mother Deane Dr. Cash lent yo* selfe £3. 10s. 
Charges in administering £L. 8s. 0. 

Jos. Dean. 

Her estate owed "Mr. Thomas Deane deceased" £40. 
4s. 12d., and was owed by him £25. 8s. 8d. : free and 
clear of all charges it amounted to £19. lis. 8d., which 
was "to be divided among ye children of ye deceased and 
ye legal representatives of ye deceased's children, viz. : 

Ye three children of Thomas Deane 

Ye only son of Jonathan Lambert 

Elizabeth dau. of Mr. John Deane 

Hannah Deane alias Cook 

Capt. Joseph Deane. 


(1) GEORGE 1 by his wife Elizabeth had children : — 

(2) I. Elizabeth 2 , b. 2d. 11 mo. 1660, d. 22d. 11 
mo. 1660. 

(3) II. John 2 (10) b. , d. before Dec. 2, 1698, 

m. ( 

(4)111. Thomas 2 (11), b. ab.* 1665, d. ab. 4 1706, 
m. d l. st Mary ,* m. d 2dly, Dec. 9, 1701, Eliza- 

*This genealogy was compiled about 18GG; circumstances have delayed its 
publication until now. Returning temporarily to Salem, I find that Mr. Fitz-Gil- 
bert Waters, my kinsman, by industriously following up the one clue to the name 
of our ancestress, the first wife of Thomas Dean, which I possessed, the inheri- 
tance of certain land in the South field hereafter mentioned, has succeeded in de- 
termining her name and parentage to his own satisfaction and mine. 

She was Mary, dau. of Stephen and Mary (Prince) Daniell, b. ab. 1670. She had 
an only brother Stephen, and was a grand daughter of Richard Prince. This mar- 
riage may account for her husband's change of home from the upper to the lower 
part of the town, her family and connections living in the vicinity of Daniel. 
Essex and Pleasant Sts. Her successor, Elizabeth Beadle, lived on the corner 
of Pleasant and East Sts. (my own present home); within a stone's throw is the 
house of a Stephen Daniell, and opposite that built by a Richard Prince. 


beth,* clau. of Abraham Drake of Hampton (Marshall of 
the old Co. of Norfolk), and widow of Thomas Beadle of 
Salem, b. July 11, 1660, d. after Nov. 14, 1718, as at 
that date her name appears among those petitioning the 
First Church to be set off as a separate church (the present 
East), being dwellers in the easterly part of the town. 
He was a shipmaster, and also probably engaged in trade 
in the same manner as his father. He may have lived 
upon the homestead with his mother, as I find no record 
or deed of a separate dwelling-house to him.f 

"March 30, 1691. Thomas Deane,. being aged about 
25 testifieth & saith that according to ye best of his 
knowledge he doth remember yt ye partition fence be- 
tween ye orchyard land where ye widow ffrancis Croad 
now dwells and ye garden land belonging to ye now 
dwelling house of Mathew Eastes where his family now 
liveth yt ye said fence at ye head of ye orchyard and gar- 
den aforesaid when standing was always about two foot 
distant to ye Westward of a plumb-tree standing upon ye 
land of Matthew Eastes which plumb-tree is yet standing 
in the same place as aforesaid and when ye same was 
standing it was a comone thing for such as gathered plums 
to goe between ye fence & ye said plumbtree which now 
stands neere the head of ye said garden land of Matthew 

Sworne before me Jn.° Hathorne assist. 

Joseph Deane aged abt. 20 testified to ye same." 

* Among those appointed retailers of strong drink in ye Towne are John Hig- 
ginson, Esq., Sam. Brown, Esq., Dea. Gerxish, Major Jno. Turner, Wm. Hirst, 
Esq., Capt. Tho. Barton, Mrs. Mary Gedney, Mrs. Eliz. Derby, Mrs. Elizabeth 
Dean, Sen., Mrs. Elizabeth Dean, Jr., Mrs. Experience Flint, and others. 

June 23, 1712. 

t Or perhaps upon the estate now bounded in part by Essex, Pleasant, and 
Forrester Sts., which his wife Elizabeth inherited, at least partially, from her for- 
mer husband, Thomas Beadle, and which Nov. 12, 1715, she with her sons Benja- 
min and Thomas Beadle sold for £225 to Benjamin Ives. 


He died in the prime of life being about 41 years o] 
age, leaving his brother Joseph now the head of the 
family, as all his other brothers were dead. These per- 
haps had been lost at sea, or slain by the Indians, or in 
some of the expeditions against Canada, by all of which 
causes Salem lost so many young men in her early times. 
He died probably in the spring of 1706,* before he had 
time to administer upon his mother's estate, which trust 
had been assigned him the preceding Nove*mber. The 
administration upon his own estate was granted to his 
widow Elizabeth, July 13, 1706. 

His inventory taken Sept. 1, 1706, by Jos. Wolcott 
and Simon Willard was presented June 25, 1707. It 
contained household goods, &c, including 55 oz. of house- 
hold plate, amounting to £96. 09s. 4d. J ye sloop Union 
with her appurtenances apprised by Bowditch, Gardner 
& Bacon at £40. About 2 J acres of upland in ye South- 
field £15. To J part of the Sloop Sparrow being old & 
much out of repair £12. 10. 0. 

The account of administration was presented June 26, 
1707 : after paying sundry credits & disbursements it 
amounted to £161. 18. 0. which was divided as follows: 

To the widow i of real & personal = £53. 19s. 4d. 

*I am doubtful whether the following refers to him or to Thomas of Boston. 

"Thomas Deane's Bill of Lading recorded Sept. 12, 1705. 

Shipped by ye Grace of God in good order and well conditioned by me Albert 
Dinine Merchant of fl'airfleld in and upon ye good Sloop called ye Industry of Bos- 
ton, whereof is master for this present voyage Thomas Dean & now riding at an- 
chor at Fairfield & by uood grace bound for Boston to say one hundred bushels of 
wheat & are to be delivered in like good order and well Conditioned at ye aforesaid i 
port of Boston ye dangers of ye Seas excepted to Michael Clugston his assignees 
they paying ye freight at sixpence per bu., in witness whereof ye master of said 
Sloop hath affirmed to two bills of Lading of this tenor and date ye one of which 
two bills being accepted ye other to stand void & so God send ye said Sloop to her 
desired port hi Safety Amen dated at ffairfield this 15th of March 1G05. 

Tho. Dean. 

Indors'd, Boston Ap. yc 20th 1695. Rec'd ye within contents. 

Michael Clugston." 
Not. Rec. 


To son George a double portion = £53. 19s. 4d. 
" " Thomas £26. 19s. 8d. 
" dau. Mary £" " " 

(5) IV. George 2 , b. , d. before July, 170G. 

(6) V. Elizabeth 2 , b. , d., as we should gather 

from the division of the estate of Mrs. Elizabeth Deaue, 
before July, 1706, but there is evidence to the con- 
trary. I consider it probable that she was the next child 
to George, considering the difference of years between 
Thomas and Joseph ; — the order in which the children are 
named in the will gives us no help upon this point, as it 
was common to name all the sons first and then all the 
daughters : m. d Jonathan Lambert, perhaps a shipmaster 
of Boston, who died there in 1710; perhaps m. d 2dly, 
John Bucanan, and had Thomas; 

By Jonathan Lambert, her husband, she had issue : — 
I. Jonathan 3 , b. Mar. 20, 1697, a shipwright of Boston 
1718-9, perhaps m. d Mar. 4, 1717-8, Mary Buchanan. 
May 15, 1711, Daniel Bacon, Jr., of Salem, shipwright, 
and George Locker, yeorpan, of the same place, with 
Samuel Swasey of Boston, shipwright, give bond to Isaac 
Addington for the guardianship of Daniel Bacon's kins- 
man Jonathan Lambert, a minor upwards of 14, son of 
Jonathan, a mariner, late of Boston, deceased, in the sum 
of £600. 

Jan. 12, 1718-9, being in his two-and-twentieth year, 
the said Jonathan releases them from said trust. The 
inventory of Capt. Jonathan Lambert, mariner, dec. d , 
amounting to £713, 12s., including among other things a 
dwelling-house valued at £160, and £65, 16s. in Mr. 
Eives's hands in London Dec. 5, 1710, is presented Jan. 
30, 1710, at Boston, by Elizabeth his widow and adm. x , 
who in another account Oct. 31, 1717, is called "Eliza- 
beth Bucanan late Lambert." 


The above evidence, together with the fact that I find 
no record relating to him in Salem, leads me to suppose 
that the said Jonathan Lambert was the husband of Eliz- 
abeth Dean, and that the Jona. and Benj. Lambert whose 
births are found in the Boston Records, children "of Jona. 
and Eliz. h Lambert," were her children. 

There is, however, contradictoiy evidence to this, in 
the fact that among the heirs of Mrs. Eliz. h Deane, dec. d 
1706, her name does not occur, but her son Jonathan 
Lambert seems to inherit her portion. I know no reason 
why this should have been were she living, though such 
may have been the case. II. Benjamin 3 , b. June 1, 1699, 
probably d. young. 

(7) VI. Joseph 2 (14) b. ab. fc 1671, d. 1709, m. d Mch. 
16, 1696-7, Elizabeth, dau. of Edward and Elizabeth 

(Hart)* Flint, b. , baptized at First Church "at 

age" July 12, 1702, d. 1731-2. He, like his father and 
brother, was a shipmaster and merchant. I suppose him 
to have attended the First Church after 1702, as its rec- 
ords contain the baptisms of bis wife and children after 
that date, though she only may have been a member. In 
Dec, 1698, as has been said above, he bought of his 
mother the dwelling house and a quarter of an acre of 
land, and May 7, 1706, we find that he buys of Capt. 
Thomas Flintt, Sen., of Salem, alias Salem Village, yeo- 
man, for £30 a piece of land of about 60 poles, being 
three-quarters of that which "I formerly bought of Eliza- 
beth Spooner late of Salem dec. d , having sold ye other 
quarter to Edmond Bridges dec. d bounded West by a 
lane y.' leads from ye Maine S. 1 to ye North River, North 

* Samuel Hart, 4th mo., 1671. Inventory of est. of Samuel Hart lately deceased 
at sea, and appraised by Edmund Bridges and Richard Croade. Edward Flint 
and Jonathan Hart preserved the above inventory and the court granted ad minis'! 
tration to them 28, 4, '71. 


& East by land of Joseph Duglass, South by yc Main 
S. fc ," according to his purchase from Eliz. Spooner in 

John Higginson Tertius, Margaret Sewall, Jun. 

The affidavit of John Cooke, blacksmith, aged about 
60, and William Reeves, slaughterer, about 60, testifieth 
that to our certain knowledge Capt. Thomas Flintt did 
about 30 yeares since purchase about J an acre of Eliza- 
beth Spooner aforesaid widow bounded as above, & that 
said Thomas Flintt and those deriving from him have 
quietly possessed it ever since to this day without let or 
hindrance as ever these deponents heard & being next 
neighbours thereunto &c. do further testify that the said 
Thomas Flintt was in lawful possession Oct. 1, 1692, & 
unto Oct. 1, 1704, & so clown to date May 11, 1706. 

June 24, 1706, he sells to Robert Kitchen, merchant, 
for £60 a small piece of land 120 feet long, 47£ wide, 
bounded E. & N. by land of said Kitchen, W. by do. of 
Matthew Esty, S. partly by do. of said Easty & partly 
by the Main S*. This was the land which he bought of 
his mother in 1698. Dec. 19, 1706, he, as administrator 
upon her estate, sells to John Cooke, Jr. mariner, for £22 
a small house with i of an acre bounded S. & E. by land 
of ye BufFams, N. by land of me ye conveyer, W. by ye 
lane or highway, being J ye land belonging to me ye 

His dwelling-house was upon the land bought of Tho- 
mas Flint, upon the corner of Essex and Deane streets, 
and it was from his children that that estate passed into 
the family of its present owners. He died about 1709, at 
the age of thirty-eight, the last of the brothers ; he seems 
to have prospered in his business, and in marriage to 
have made a good connection. 

Administration was granted to Elizabeth, widow of 

















Capt. Joseph Deane, Dec. 29, 1709, who gave bond with 
Joseph Duglass and Benjamin Flint as sureties. The for- 
mer of these, together with John Higginson, Jr., took 
an inventory of his estate Jan. 18, 1710-11. It included 

His dwelling-house, out-housing, and about 60 poles of 

land adjoining £250 

Abt. 36 rods of land by John Simpson's 
Money & bills of credit 
In plate 

Goods in ye shop " 57. 14. lOd. 

An Indian Woman named Flora 

6 hhd. of salt, 110 gall, of rum 3s. sd. apce. " 17. 17. 6d. 

30 gall, of molasses 20d. apce. 

8 lbs. whalebone 10 apce. 6s. 8d. 

28 lbs. Brasceletts 
60 lbs. Paint 

Amount of Inventory £601. 19. 2. 

Due from ye estate to Tho. Deane's children ) £ fi ~ 

& Jona. Lambert's son 5 ' ' 

" " " " ''a pson. in Suranam abt. £13. 0. 0. 

Inventory presented Feb. 15, 1710-1. 

June 26, 1712. More added to ye inventory in cash £50. 0. 0. 

His widow Elizabeth survived him many years. 

July 30, 1713, for 70£ she sold to Thomas Lee of 
Boston a piece of land in the form of a gusset or triangle, 
bounded toward ye Northwest partly by ye great street 
leading into ye Town & partly by land of David Flint, 
N. E. ptly. by Id. of David Flint & ptly. by another 
street, S. E. by land of Thomas Flint, & S. W. by land 
of Robert Orange, being her portion of the estate of her 
late Father Edward Flint. 

Jacob Willard. 

Josiah Willard. 

The same date she buys of the sd. Thomas Lee and 
wife Deborah for £65 a piece of land bd. toward the N. 
W. as above, N. E. by Jacob Willard, S. E. by Thomas 
Flint, & S. W. by Benj. Gerrish, being Deborah Lee's 
part of her Father Edward Flint's estate. 

Same witnesses. 


Aug. 4, 1729, an agreement between Elizabeth Doanc, 
Widow, and her children, provides that whereas Ivor hus- 
band Joseph Dcane died possessed of a certain dwelling 
house & land, bd. E. & N. by land of Joshua Hicks, S. 
& W. by highways, also of another piece of about 40 
poles bd. VV\ & N. by highways, E. by land of John 
Bullock, & S. of John Cook dec/ 1 , with two common 
lights, all of which have been in possession of the said 
Elizabeth without any settlement thereof; in order to an 
amicable division they agree that Sam. King, Mr. 
Jos. Orne, and Capt. Joseph Andrews be chosen a com- 
mittee to apprise the estate and adjudge what of the per- 
sonal estate each child hath had. 

2dly, that the said Eliz. h shall have her thirds in yo 
homestead wholly and only in common with her son 
Joseph so long as they agree therein, and in case of dis- 
agreement, her thirds shall bo set out in said homestead. 

3dly, the said Joseph shall have the said homestead 
and the two common rights, ho paying to his sisters tho 
excess of the value of tho homestead, and tho common 
rights over his proportion of the whole estate, viz. : two- 
thirds of one-fifth to each within three years, and the 
other third after the decease of the said Elizabeth, they 
to give him a good deed, &c. 

4th, John and Mary Hopes to have tho above said 40 
poles as apportioned by said committee towards their 
proportion. The parties to abide by this in tho sum of 

This latter piece of land, then in the occupation of 
Nath. Archer (who md. Hannah 3 Cook), the Ropeses sold 
to Samuel Cook, Fisherman, Oct. 23, 174G, for £93 O. 
T., and he with his wife Abial sold the northerly half of 
it to John Bullock, Jr., Cordwainer, Mch. 31, 1753, for 
£13, Gs. Sd. 



In t bo Quaker Records I find the names of Elizabeth 
Dean 17, 7, 1702, and Benj. and Eliz. Flint, as witnesses. 

She died 1731-2. Her estate was not regularly admin- 
istered upon, but her children entered into an agreement 
that Whereas Elizabeth Dean late of Salem, widow, de- 
ceased, died seized of some personal property, consisting 
of about 50 ounces of silver, two gold rings, &c, &c, 
whereof administration is not nor intends to be taken by 
any of her children, who have divided said goods equa- 
bly, in order to prevent any future dispute this record 
should be made, &c, and each hereby acknowledges the 
receipt of his or her share, any debts due her & that part 
of ye personal estate of their grandmother Flint & uncle 
Benjamin Flint, late dec.* 1 , that may be allotted to them 
are excepted: March 1, 1732. 

The said Benj. Flint's estate was administered upon 
1732-4, and was of considerable value, but of his real 
estate valued at £1682, the heirs of his sister Deane were 
entitled to one-seventh part, this as set off to them con- 
sisted of a front lott* in the homestead measuring South 
on the Main S. 1 72 feet, North on the rear land 75 feet, 
& was in length about 14 poles, bd. East on the portion 
numbered, in the division, tf 4," & West on another lott; 
also H- acres of marsh land on Forest River & three cot- 
tage rights. 

In the records we find that administration upon the 
estate of Eliz. 1 ' Dean, widow, was granted to her son 
Joseph, Dec. 18, 1733, but nothing farther seems to have 
been done in the matter. 

The following is from a manuscript in the possession of 
Mr. John Ward Dean of Boston, to whom I am indebted 
for information relative to members of the later genera* 

*In Esex St., where Mr. William Ives now lives. 


lions of his branch of the family. I think it wna pre- 
pared by his late father or uncle, probably from traditions, 
as I found no evidence of original authorities, but its first 
statements are manifestly incorrect. 

"Capt. Joseph Dean was b. in Somersetshire, Eng M 
came to Salem about 1G95, was lost at sea 1715, aged 63 s 
m. (l Elizabeth Flint, by whom lie had four children; she 
died 4 m., 1, 1736, aged 74. Now he could not have 
been born in Somersetshire, because his father had been 
here man)' years before he was born ; it is a mistake too 
to assume Joseph to have been the original ancestor; his 
father George was here long before, as we know ; Joseph 
too died before 1715, since mini. 11 upon his estate was 
granted in 1709; neither could he have been 63 years old 
at the time of his death, as in l(j ( Jl we find by his depo- 
sition, that he was only 20. His wife too was deceased 
and her estate divided Mch. 1732-3, and if she was 74 
years old, she must have been 12 years older than her 
husband at time of marriage. The "Flint Genealogy" 
may decide this, though at present out of my reach. 

(8) VII. Bkxjamin 2 , 1). , d. before July, 1706. 

(<J) VIII. Hannah 2 , bap. Oct. 22, 1720, an adult, d. 
ab. 1 Feb., 1745, in. d June 11, 1701, John, son of John 
& Mary (Buxton) Cook, b. 20 l " G mo., 1674, d. ab. 1 1721, 
by whom she had : — 

I. John 3 , b. April, 1702, d. before 1724. 

II. Joseph 5 , b. Apr. 11, 170-, d. 176D-70, m. d Nov. 
14, 1728, Eunice, daughter of Samuel and Exercise 
(Smith) Pope, b. Aug. 12, 1700, who survived him, by 
whom he had: 1. Eunice 4 , b. Sept. (5, 172 ( J, tn. d , Sept. 
2 ( J, 1751, George, son of George and Eliz. Bickford, who 
d. before 1785; 2. Hannah 4 , )>. June li), 1732, m.' 1 Sept. 
20, 1752, Benjamin Daland, and had Joseph 5 , and per- 
haps others; 3. John 4 , b. July 22, 1735, m. d Dec. 1, 


1762, Susannah Webb; 4. Joseph 4 , bap. Dec. 18, 1737, 
d. young; 5. Abigail 4 , bap. June 22, 1740; 6. Joseph 4 , 
bap. Sep. 5, 1742.' His will is dated July 18, 1769; in 
it he mentions wife Eunice, grandson Jos. Daland, two 
daughters Eunice Bickford, and Hannah Daland. Pres. d 
Feb. 6, 1770. His estate was div. d May 13, 1784; Eu- 
nice Morgan, an heir of Eunice Bickford dec.' 1 , men- 
tioned, & Eben. r Bickford, adin. 1 ' on* estate of Hannah 
Bickford, also. 

IB. George, 3 b. May 5, 1710, d. young. 

III. Benjamin 3 , m. d Dec. 24, 1730, Elizabeth, daugh- 
ter of John Phippen, by whom he had : 1. Elizabeth 4 , 
bap. Apr., 1736, m d . Aug. 28, 1750, AV. m Twiss, Jr. ; 
2. Benjamin 4 , bap. same day, m. d Nov. 8, 1764, Sarah 
Cook; 3. John 4 , bap. Mar. 27, 1737, in.' 1 Sept. 23, 1760, 
Margaret Webb; Aug. 5, 1761, he with mother Eliz. and 
wife Margaret sell land bought of father Bcnj. to Benj; 
Pun chard ; his wife was a srciit-srrand-dauurhtci' of Daniel 
Webb, dcc. d , and apparently a sister of Eliz., wife of 
Joshua Bickford, and of Mehctablc, wife of Richard Nut- 
ting, Jan. 16, 1768; a Daniel Cook of Mcndon, Wor- 
cester County, also mentioned in the same connection 
as their attorney, 1765; 4. Susannah 4 , bap. Sept. 30, 

1739, m. d Tarrant; in 1784 she was a widow, 

then buying of her brother John the easterly end of the 
dwelling-house bought of his father, as in Lib, 121, f. 

IV. Samuel 3 , was living Mar. 8, 1745, md. Oct. 22, 
1730, Abigail, daughter of Benj. Henderson; June 29, 
1739, he and his wife, with her brother Benj., Glazier, and 
wife Eunice* sell to David Glover, for £32, the westerly 
-end of a dwelling-house with ten poles of land adjoining, 

♦She was a Daniel, and md. Dee. 9, 1734. 


and bounded N. on a Jane, E. on land of Eliz. Henderson, 
S. on do. formerly Mi 1 . Gedncy's, and )V. I > v do. of Capt, 
Bowditeh, being fonncrly the estate of their father Benj., 
dec/ 1 , &c\. 

Meh. 31, 1753, he sells to John Bullock, Jr., for £13, 
6s. 8d. the Northerly half of the forty poles of land 
bought of John Ropes in 1716. Meh. 4, 1750, to secure 
a payment of £107 to Isaac Williams, Cordwainer, he 
conveys to him his moiety or part of the dwelling-house 
wherein he now resides, formerly his father John Cook's, 
being the northerly end, with his part of said homestead 
land, and a strip bought of his brother Joseph, bd. W. 
on a lane, N. by his brother Joseph's land, E. by laud 
formerly Daniel West's, dec.?, S. by John Punchard's, 
then E. by said P.'s, and then S. by the part of his father's 
homestead belonging to brother Benj. Wife Abial joins 
in the sale. Jan. 20, 1757, he sold land in the same 
vicinity bd. W. by Bickford's Lane, to John Bullock, Jr., 
and to Nath. Archer; and to Edw. Nonas, Jr., a common 
right bought of Daniel West, Dec. 1, 1750. 

Again Sept. 14, 1761, he sold part of his homestead to 
Gcor West, Jr., and Apr. 10, 1765, to Geo. West, "Fish- 
erman,' an additional strip. To Sam. Buffum, Glazier, 
also, Mch. 14, 1771, a piece of land with a house and 

They had : 1. Abigail 4 , b. 1731, perhaps md. Apr. 28, 
1751, George West (sec West Family); 2. Samuel 4 ; 
3. Margaret 4 ; those three with their mother were bap- 
tized Sept. 18, 1737; 4. Mary 4 , bap. May 7, 1738; 5. 
John 4 , bap. July 18, 1741. 

V. Mary 3 , m. (l Apr. 24, 1729, Joseph, son of Jona. 
and Abigail (Henderson) Glover, an uncle of the Gen. 
John, who is the subject of a memoir in the Collections, 
Vol. V; his brother David md. Nov. 5, 1730-1 Sarah, 


Millet. He was a "fisherman,"* and 1>. June 27, 1706; 
d. Dec, 1747. They had: 1. Joseph 4 , hap. June 14, 
1730; 2. George 4 , bap. Jan. 5, 1^34 ; 3. Jonathan 4 , bap. 
Aug. 29, 173G, tl. young; 4. Jonathan 4 , bap. Nov. 6, 
1737, cl. young; 5. Mary 4 , bap. June 17, 1739; G. Jon- 
athan 4 , bap. Oct. 25, 1741; 7. Samuel 4 , bap. Nov. 13, 
1743; 8. Hannah 4 , hap. Oct. 30, 1748. 

VI. Elizabeth 3 , m d . Nov. 11, 1730-1, Joseph Hender- 
son, "fisherman," by whom she had: 1. Joseph 4 , b.ip. 
June 6, 1736; 1J. Elizabeth 4 , b;ip. June 6, 1736, d. 
young; 2. Mary 4 , bap. Sept. 18, 1737; 3. Benjamin 4 , 
bap. Dec. 31, 1738; 4. Sarah 4 , bap. Sept. 14, 1740; 
4£. Rachel 4 , bap. May 23, 1742; 5. Elizabeth 4 , bap. 
Sept. 11, 1743; 6. Abigail 4 , bap. Dec. 15, 1745. 

VII. Hannah 3 , b. Mar., 1714, bap. Apr. 29, 1722, 
"took on her the obligations of her minor baptism," Mar. 
21, 1736, d. May 21, 1767 : m' 1 . Aug. 2, 1733, Nathaniel,! 
son of Jonathan and Abigail (Williams) Archer, "cooper," 
h. Apr. 17, 1710, cl. June 10, 1772 ; both buried in Char- 
ter St. ground. During the lifetime of his first wife he 
seems to have lived in the vicinity of Beckford or Dean 
St., but in his will, he gives to his wife Hannah, who 
survived him until 1803, his dwelling house, &c, bounded 
W. b}' Long Wharf Lane, so called (Union St.), N. on 
land of his sister Brown, E. on a lane, and S. on land of 
Jona. Phelps ; he mentions a son George long absent, 
whose part, if he be not living, is to go to his three chil- 
dren. His son Jonathan was made executor. They had : 
1. Nath. 4 , bap. Mch. 21, 1736, m. d Mch. 30, 1760, Han- 
nah Chcver ; 2. Hannah 4 , bap. Sept. 12, 1736; 3. Ste- 

* It would be well if some one of ouv competent local historians would givo 
the readers of the '• Collections'' a little more definite knowledge of the occupa- 
tions pursued by those so often called •' li-herman" and " shoreman;" 

file md. April 8rtl, 17CS, Widow Hannah Ives, daughter of Gamaliel Hodges. 


phcn*; 4. Elizabeth 4 , bap. Nov. 23, 1740, who was blind; 
5. George*, bap. Nov. 14, 1742, ni. d Dec. 1G, 17G4, 
Martha Nccclham ; d. ah. 1 1772, leaving her a widow, to 
whom Sept. 17 of that year, guardianship of his children, 
George 5 , aged 7, John 5 , aged 4, and Nathaniel 5 , aged 1J 
years, was grunted ; 6. Abigail 4 ; 7. Jonathan 4 ; 8. Sarah 4 ; 
9. Benjamin 4 , non compos, who died July 4, 1787, aged 
37 ; his brother Jona. and two sisters survived him. 

VIII. George 3 , b. 1710-20, bap. Apr. 19, 1722, d. 
young, as he is not mentioned in the deed of gift, from 
his brothers and sisters to their mother, Jan. 14, 1735; 
was "dec' 1 ." Nov. 18, 1745, when his share of his father's 
estate was sold by his heirs, brothers and sisters, to his 
brother-in-law Archer. 

By the deposition of Cook, Sen., above given, we find 
that the two families were neighbors, and in 170G John 
Cook bought a house and land from the Deanes, and hero 
perhaps he lived. He was a mariner and died probably 
in 1721, as Dec. 29 of that year administration upon his 
estate was granted to his widow Hannah, who gave bond 
with' Mr. John Chapman and Samuel Hay ward. 

By her ace 1 , of administration, June 20, 1723, his 
Real Estate, being two old dwelling-houses and £ of an 
acre of land, an orchard, amounted to £132. 

Personal property " " £ 56. 12. 10. 

Among the charges were 

To funeral charges of my son John Cook ye whole £6. 

To allowance towards bringing up ye youngest child 
(one year old when ye father dyed) to this day, £IG. 

His real estate, including a dwelling-house in the pres- 
ent tenure of W. m Beckford, was appraised and divided 
by Sam. King, Jos. Ornc, Jr., Joseph Andrews and 
John Higginson, Jan. 11, 1731. 

A further account of administration was presented Jan. 


13, 1731-2, wheii guardianship of George, aged about 
twelve, son of John Cook, deceased, was granted to his 
mother Hannah, and the said John's real estate was 
divided ("the eldest son being dead") among "Joseph, 
Samuel, George, Benjamin, Mary, Elizabeth, and Han- 

Dec. 1.3, 1731, the said Hannah being about fifteen, 
chooses her mother Hannah as guardian. 

April 29, 1722, her six younger children were baptized 
at the First Church, and at the same time Joseph, James, 
Win. and Margaret, the children of Joseph and Margaret 
Cook, went through the same ceremony, making ten of 
the same name. 

Jan. 14, 1735, her children convey to her "from love 
towards our mother," all their rights to a certain strip of 
land with a barn thereon, being a part of her dower in her 
late husband's estate, bounded W. on a lane, E. by land 
of Dr. Toppan, S. & N. by land of Joseph Cook, Jr. ; and 

Jan. 16, 173."), she sells to her son Joseph, Jun., Fish- 
erman, for £30 this same strip of land containing 15 

Administration upon her estate was granted to her son 
Joseph, who gave bond with Abijah Estes and John 
Bickford, Mch. 25, 1745. In the files is a bill from Dr. 
Bcz aleel Toppan for medicine and attendance Sept., Nov., 
and Dec, 1744, = £1. 8. (3. O. T. A note also for £10 
from her to her son Joseph, dated Jan. 1G, 1744-5. 

Her estate was divided among her five children then 
living, Apr. cS, 1745. 

Dei*. 2(i, 1730, Joseph Cook 3 bought of John and 
Esther Ruck for £3l>0, Province Bills, his dwelling-house 
and 140 poles of land, bounded by land of Dcrbe, Hopes, 
and Bickford and others, which estate he sold June 6, 
1784, to Samuel Sibley, in whose tenure it then was, and 


he sold it to John Ropes. The front part of tins is now 
Capt. Bertram's residence. (Sec Hopes Family.) 


(3) John 2 , by his wife, had issue : — 

(10) I. Elizabeth 3 , b. , d. ; was living 

Nov. 28, 170(3, as we find her in the list of heirs to her 
grandmother's estate. 

(4) Thomas 2 , by wife Mary, had issue : — 

(11) I. George 3 (20), b. Aug. 7, 1G92, admitted to 
the First Church Nov. 2, 1718, d. sib.* 1727, m"., 1 st ., 
June 10, 1713, Hannah, dangthcr of Thomas and Damaris 
(Buffam) Ruck,* who d. juV Nov., 1718 ; in. d , 2 ,,1 >', Sarah 
Archer, b. ab. 1 1700, d. Feb. 3, 1771. 

June 26, 1707, being upwards of fourteen, he chooses 
his "honored uncle Joseph Deane to be his guardian," 
who was also at the same time appointed guardian to 
Mary about eleven, and Thomas about nine, all children 
of late Thomas Deane deceased. But his guardianship 

* Joshua Buffam, about 70, mentions in his will land bought of Coson Goose, 
daughter Damaris Ruck, her husband Thomas-, and three children when they eorao 
of age, Hannah, John, and Thomas, June 5, 1705. Ties. Nov. 20, 1703. 

Said Joshua died 10, S, 170.). 

June 30, 1701, Thomas ltuek, being sick in body, etc., makes his will, giving to 
two daughters Hannah and Damaris '20 poles each next Jos. Douglass and £50 iu 
all lo each. To two sons John and Thomas all ye rest of real estate, etc. Execu- 
tor to be children's guardian. Father-in-law Joshua Buffam to be sole executor. 
Ties. July 5, 1701. 

Sam. Pope, Eliz. Darby, John Higgmson, tertius. 

Inv. = 01d Spooner's house and bame and seven acres in ye towne, £200. 

House and land was formerly John Symson's. 

John Pickering, Jos. Duglass. June 27, 1705. 

John, of John and Hannah Ruck, b. in Boston, Dec. i, 1702. 

Thomas of Boston to John of Salem, 0, 11, 1651. Beg. of Deeds. 

John of Salem to his sons John and Thomas, land in Topslield = 100 acres, 
Dee. 8, 1000. 

John of Salem, Merchant, to Matthew Woodwcll, land adjoining South River; 
also wife Sarah. Aug. 19, 1053. 

John of Salem, to Matthew Woodwell, land adjoining South River; also wife 
Hannah ? 8 mo., 3 d., 1CG0. 


being cut short by his death in 1709, they chose Major 
Stephen Sewall and Mr. Robert Kitchen, merchants, as 
their guardians, Feb. 9, 1710-1, whom the Court there- 
fore appointed. 

George Deane followed the same occupation as his 
father and grandfather before him, that of a ship master. 
He commanded and partially owned a sloop in which he 
traded with the South and with the West Indies. 

He seems to have owned no dwelling-house in Salem, 
but to have lived in a house owned by Hannah Batter, 
and sometime in Boston. The only conveyance of real 
estate to him which I find is as follows : — Thomas Deane, 
mariner, and Mary Deane, singlcwoman, for and in con- 
sideration of the good will which they bear to their eldest 
brother George Deane, mariner, and for £7, 10s. paid to 
them by him, convey to him all their right, &c., in and 
to a certain piece of land situated in the South-field, so 
called, in Salem, containing one and a quarter to one 
and a half acres, which said land descended to them 
by ye death of their late father and mother, Thomas and 
Mary Deane, deceased, bounded west by ye marsh lying 
on ye mill-pond, cast by the road-way, south by land 
of Samuel Swasey, north by land of Jona. Glover. Nov. 
5, 1719. 

Stephen Sewall, Edward Thompson. 

This land probably came to them by their mother. 

Nov. 4, 1723, W. m Mackie, coaster, & Samuel Elson, 
mariner, sell to him for £03, ^ of the Sloop called the 
William, of about 40 tons Burthen, with J part of the 
mast, boom & bolesprit, Sailcs, Cables, Anchors, rigging, 
tackle & apparrell and J part of the boat and all other 
the appurtenances unto her belonging or in any way ap- 

Benjamin Sewall, Edward Thompson. 


He died about 1727, and administration upon his estate 
was granted to his widow Sarah Nov. 7th of that year. 
His estate was administered upon as follows : 
His inventory presented Dee. 7, 1727, was taken by 
John Brown & Warwick Palfray. Mr. Nath. 1 Osgood 
being now alt sea Capt. Josiah Williard was appointed in 
his place Apr. 29. th , as an additional appraiser. It con- 
tained among other things 

2\ acres of upland lying in the South field £ 45 

A bond payable by Miles Ward. Jr. £ CO 
•&- of Sloop William now at sea or at Boston (sold to 

Kich. Buckley, Boston, Au<*. 20, 1728) £ 45 

■£ Pue in meeting-house £ 5 

Her ace. of admin, presented Apr. 21, 1729. 

Said estate was Cr. 
By real estate 

u personal estate 

£ 45 

£404:. 3. 



Pay'd James Bowdoin 

£ 78. 8. 


House rent in Boston 

£ 8. 18. 

Wm. Gale, Shoemaker, £3. 9. 11. 

Abijah Goodale for 

Cyder £8. 9 0.= 

£ G. 18. 


Funeral 1 Charges 


Mr. Carswcll mentioned, that bought part of the cargo. 

Sarah Dean alias Britton. 

In the tiles we find a few items : 

Dec. 20, 1727. Rec. d of Sarah, adm. x of George Dean, 
dec/ 1 , &c, £6, 15s. for house-rent. Hannah Batter. 

May 21, 1728. A receipt fin. Hannah Batter* for £2, 
3s. in full for the same. 

Jan. 27, 1728-9. Rec. d of Mrs. Sarah Dean lis. 2d. 
on ace. of a Venter to North Carolina. Miles Ward, Jr. 

Shipped, &c, &c, by Tho. Lauchlin, &c, now in North 
Carolina upon the good sloop called the William, whereof 
is Master, &c, Geo. Deane, now in the Port of Roanoke 

♦Perhaps wife or widow of Edmund, who lived on the western side of Wash- 
ington St., just north ol* Essex. 


bound for Boston 45 barrels of pitch on account of the 
owner and freighters of the sloop Jan & Elizabeth lately 
Wrack t on Roanoak Barr & arc to be delivered to Thos. 
Steel, Esq., Merchant in Boston — 10s. per barrel. 

Roanoak, N. C. 

July 12, 172G. George Dean. 


Boston, Aug. 31, 1728. In consid." that the within 
mentioned pitch was shipt in bad ordr & as Mrs. Dean 
sayd many of cm lcakt out & the rem. 1 ' left at Barbados 
came to small ace. 1 1 have accepted of £12, 10s. for my 
interest in the within pitch & bill of lading. The freight 
if any due in Mrs. Dean's hands. 

Thomas Steel. 

His widow married Feb. 13, 1728, David Britton,* 
died Feb. 3, 1771, aged 71, and was buried in Saint 
Peter's Church-yard, where her grave-stone is now stand- 
ing in the rear of the Church. 

"(12) II. Mary 3 , b. 1695-6, bap. at First Church "at 
age" Jan. 22, 1715; m. d April 28, 1719, John, son of 
Samuel and Mary (Poore) West, bap. at First Church 
May, 1695, d. 

July 10, 1728, Sam. 1 West, Sen., Saddler, conveys to 
his son John, Saddler, one half of his dwelling-house in 

*IIe had a second wife Hannah, who died Sept. 25, 1782, aged 57. He died 
about De;;. 22, 178'i, aged 80. They both are buried in the churchyard. 

u IIe was the la&t," says Rev. Mr. Fisher, his rector, "of those worthies, who 
first un'ted, and formed the Episcopal Church iu Salem; a sermon preached in 

Administration was granted to Dea. Thomas Baglcy Jan. 1, 1787. He was a 
Captain of one of the local militia companies, and was a large dealer in hats and 
furs. He lived, and I think had his shop, near the southwestern corner of Essex 
and Washington Sts., »' Britton's Corner." 

According to a sale of a common right to Nath. Ropes, May 11, 1771, his heirs 
appear to have been "Thos. B.iyley of Boston, Gent., Jane Pigeon of Newton, 
Wid., Rachel Shrewsbury of Bn., With, Job. Grafton of Newton. Clerk, Nath. of 
Newport, & Wm. of Prov., R. 1., Gent'n, Franeis Phillips of Maiden, & Sarah 
Vciuer of Bn., Spinster." 


Salem whore he now resides, being the easterly end, the 
whole being bounded, N. on the Main S.\ E. by land of 
Mr. John Cabot, S. by do. of heirs of Mr. John Corwin, 
dec. d , W. by a road leading to Marblehead ; the westerly 
end of said house he had given to his son Samuel by a 
previous deed of the same day. This was the house and 
estate situated upon the corker of Essex and Summer 

April 21, 1737, he bought of Joseph Dean, Hatter, for 
£210, a piece of land at the southerly end of ye easterly 
side of ye 5 th division of the land of Bcnj. Flint dec. d , 
bounded S. on ye street 36 feet, YV. on J of said division 
belonging to Thomas Blaney, 8 poles 7 feet, N. on land 
of said Dean measuring J of ye breadth of said division, 
E. on ye 4. th division 7 p. 10J f. with ye buildings 
thereon. Bcnj. Buxton, Henry Bowers, Witnesses. 

The above he sold to Wm. Dcadman in 1740; it was 
a part of the land now owned by Mr. Ives, next to the 
upper corner of I^sscx and Dean Sts. 

April 23, 1737, he with his wife Mary for £700 paid 
them by Elizabeth & Mary Lindall, Singlewomen, sells 
to them a house & land bounded S. on ye Main Street 28 
f., E. by land of Dr. Toppan 13 p. 13£ feet, N. by land 
of one Cook 26 f., W. by do. of Daniel West 14 p. 8 ft. 
8 in. This property was next above Dr. Loring's in 
Essex St. 

John West and his wife attended the First Church and 
all their children were baptized there. 

Jan. 3, 17150, "Widow Mary West" was admitted to 
full communion, and among the names of those desiring 
to be dismissed, and to form a new church on account ot 
Mr. Dunbar's settlement, Feb. 24, 1772, is that of "Mary 


They had issue : — 

I. Susannah 4 , bap. Aug. 14, 1722. 

H. Sarah 4 , bap. Alar. 15, 1724. 

III. John 4 , bap. Sept. 25, 1725, m. d Feb. G, 17G6, 
Mary West, perhaps dau. of Daniel. 

IV. Mary 4 , bap. Mar. 12, 1727. 

V. George 4 , bap. Apr. 27, 1729, md. Apr. 28, 1751, 
Abigail Cook, by whom he had : 1. George 5 , who md. 
Dee" 16, 1775, Margaret Tink ; 2. John 5 , bap. May 22, 
1757 ; 3. John 5 , bap. June 24, 1759 ; 4. Benjamin 5 , bap. 
Aug. 5, 1764; 5. Sarah 5 , bap. Aug. 18, 1765 ; G. Mehit- 
able 5 , bap. Aug. 16, 1772. 

VI. Surah 4 , bap. Aug. 8, 173L. 

Vide * West Family." 
(13) III. Thomas 3 (23) b. ah*. May, 1698, d. Aug. 
24, 1759, m.' 1 Oet. 18, 1720, Martha, dau. of James & 
Rebecca (Bligh) Gillingham, b. Jan. 13, 1699, bap. at 
l. st Ch., Jan."l5, 1699, d. Dee. 24, 1729 ; she lies buried 
in the Charter Street burying-ground ; m.' 1 2dly, Nov. 5, 
1731, Mary, dau. of John & Jehoidan (Orne) (Harvey) 
Ward, bap. at First Church, Aug. 18, 1706, d. about 
1780, then of the East Parish. Vide "Ward Family." 
In the deed to his eldest brother George, Nov. 5, 1719, 
given above, he is called mariner: he became a captain 
and merchant. 

January 7, 1726-7, a little more than five years after 
his marriage, he bought of Elizabeth Darbey, Widow and 
Shopkeeper, for £150 a piece of land of about 26 rods 
with a dwelling-house and sail-maker's shop upon it, hd. 
N. by land of Stephen Daniels, E. by do. of Warwick 
Pal fray, S. by do. of Joseph Grafton & \Y\ by the lane 
or highway, reserving to the said Eliz. Iibc:ty to remove 
& take off a workhouse belonging to Warwick Pal fray. 
Benjamin Ives. Joshua Hicks. 


This land was in Daniels St., almost the other extreme 
of the town from the family homestead, and now occupied 
by the dwelling-houses of the late Edward Stanley, James 
Perkins, and Pierce L. Wiggin, to the former and latter of 

whom it was sold June 7, 180"), by Capt. Joseph Waters, 
who purchased it of Capt. Dean's heirs, for $1,090, July 
16, 1800. The mansion house which he had occupied 
was soon after demolished, and the present buildings 
erected. lie attended the East Church and the record of 
his marriage by Rev. Mr. Jennison, and of the births and 
death of his children kept by him is in my possession. 

lie died very suddenly, Aug. 24, 1759 ; a Vague family 
tradition says of excessive joy at the return of his son 
George from abroad, who had been given up as lost. 

"Aug. 25, 1759," says "Gardner's Journal," Ins. Coll., 
V. — , p. — , "Died at Salem Capt. Thos. Dean. He 
came home as well as ever to all appsaranee and fell 
down dead without speaking a word. 

Auff. 26, Capt. Dean buried. An exceeding large 
burying, about 400." 

Administration upon his estate was granted to his 
widow Mary, Nov. 10, 17(50, who gave bond with Xath. 
Andrew, Gent., and Bcnj. Ward, Shoreman, in the sum 
of £1000. The order for his inventory was issued to 
Capt. Jos. Hodges and Messrs. Ab." 1 Watson and John 
Ives, Nov. 10, 1760. It comprised among other things 
the Mansion House & land & out houses, £250. 0. 0., 
China Plates, blew & white do., glass muggs, beckers, 
small painted bottels, fowling piece, hanger, cutchuck* 
box & sack, Quadrant, silver-ware, 2 bibels, old books, 
gold buttons, silver shoe buckles, knee buckles & neck 
do., with the usual assortment of household furniture & 

* Cart: idge, or cartouche ? 


other articles. "Some things in the wharehouse," Cash 
= £103. 9. 3. Bond & 2 notes of hand, Jos. Sari, Jr.'s 
note = £8. 6. 0. A flour pew in East Meeting House 
= £10. o; 0. 

Taken Nov. 5, 17G2. 

Prcs. (1 the 15. th Suma = £561. 12. 0. 

Account of administration presented Nov. 15, 1762. 
A 2d account Oct. 21, 1765, when the estate was divided 
among his widow & children, the eldest son Thomas re- 
ceiving a double portion. 

(7) Joseph-, by wife Elizabeth had issue: — 

(14) I. Joseph 3 , b. Aug. 29, 1698?, d. the following 

(15) II. Elizabeth 3 , b. Oct. 10, 1701, d. July, 1702. 

(16) IH. Desike 3 , b. Apr. 26, bap. June 13, 1703, d. 
Nov. 29, 1739, md. Dec. 8, 1720, Thomas, son of John 
& Eliz. h (Purchis?) Blancy, b. 30, 3, 1689, d. 1766; he 
m. 2dly, prob. 1742, Alice Peaslee? of Haverhill, who d. 
Jan. 16, 1783. 

Thomas Blancy belonged to a Quaker family and I sup- 
pose his wife was of that persuasion, though her baptism 
was at the Eirst Church, — her name has been perpetuated 
in succeeding generations, almost to the present time. 
They lived, I think, upon the land bought by him from 
Benj. Flint, in Oct., 1725, for £72, "a small piece of 
land whereon stands said Thomas Blancy 's new dwelling- 
house/' hd. S. on Main St. 3J rods, E. & N. by said 
Flint's, & W. by the Quaker meeting-house; this was on 
Essex street, just below the present Quaker meeting- 
house and adjoining ground. They afterwards inherited 
neighboring land from the said Flint. 

lie is variously styled "cordwaincr" and "shoreman," 
and was also probably the one referred to in the follow- 


ing stray piece of manuscript in the Probate Office, in 
the private possession of the Registrar. 

"An Invoice of goods Ladin on board the sloop Bcnj." 
for Newbury, on ace. 1 & Risque of Ichabod Plaistcd Con- 
signed Mr. Thomas Blanoe mast. r of said Sloop. Salem, 
Oct. 11, 1722." 

By the inheritance of his wife, and by purchase, lie ac- 
quired a large amount of real estate in the westerly side 
of Dean St. extending to the North River bank, upon 
which he had his fish flakes. Federal Street was cut 
through it about 1760, and the land was sold in several 
parcels*, after his death, as appears by the advertisements 
in the papers of that date, by his widow Elsie. 

He belonged to a family which had numerous represen- 
tatives in Salem, L} T nn, and Marblchead, and whose de- 
scendants are still among us. His father John probably 
lived upon the borders of Lynn. In the acknowledgment 
of a deed, Sept. 13, 1760, he is spoken of as "almost 
blind;" his will is dated July 25 of that year. In it he 
calls himself "Shoreman," and leaves to his "beloved wife 
Alice" all his household furniture, and during her life the 
use and improvement of all his real estate, with liberty 
to sell it. To his son Thomas 20 £ more than he had 
already had, to be paid within six years after his wife's 
decease. To his daughter Abigail White 13£ 6s. 8d. 
more than she had already had, to bo paid within eight 
years after his wife's decease. To his daughter Allicc 
20£ to be paid within eight years after his son Robert 
comes of age. To his son Robert and his heirs his house 
and land that shall be left after his wife's decease. His 
wife Allice is made Executrix. In presence of John 
Nutting, Richard Maybeny, Richard Maybcrry, Jr. It 
was presented Jan. 5, 1767. 



His inventory taken Jan. 29, 1767, by David Northcy, 
Jona. Buffum, and Thorndike Procter, Jr., contained 

The homestead, comprising a house, barn, & 37 poles of 

land £333. G. 8. 

The Fish fence & an acre of land on the N. side of 

New St. . £145. 0. 0. 

Land on S side of New St. £133. G. 8. 

Brick-hill field = 11 acres £ 40. 0. 0. 

Two common rights £ 20. 0. 0. 

The whole estate amounted to £73G. 1. 10. 

"Feb. 2, 1767, Ailc.e Blancy being a Quaker solemnly 
affirmed to the above." 

His wife Alice or Elsie was well-known among hcu 
religious connection. She was probably a Peaslee of 
Haverhill, though I fail to find a record there of her birth 
or marriage. See "Genealogical Notes." 

By wife Desire 3 he had issue : — 

I. Thomas 4 , who m (l . Mary, daughter of Abijah Estcs, 
who survived him. 

II. Abigail 4 , bap. at age Oct. 22, 1749, m. d June 4, 
1745, John, son of John and Rebecca (Flint) White, b. 
ab. 1 1722, d. Oct. 26, 1702, a sea-captain. They were 
of Rev. Mr. Lcavitt's society, and afterwards of the East 

By wife Alice he had : 

III. Alice. 

IV. Robert. 

(17) IV. Mary 3 , 

twins, b. Sept. 5, bap. 23, 
1705, d. bef. 1764. 

(18) V. Elizabeth 3 , ) d. Oct. 6, 1774. She 

was a member of the First Church, and one of those 
-desiring dismissal on account of Mr. Dunbar's settle- 
ment in 1772, and hence one of the original members 
of Mr. Barnard's, the present North Church. 

Mary', ni. d Dec. 13, 1723, John, son of William and 


Sarah (Ingersoll) Ropes, b. Jan. 24, 1694, d. Jan. 21, 

1792 ; "shoreman" and "shipwright." 

Besides the part of her uncle Benj. Flint's estate in 
Essex St., which she received, she w;is allotted a piece of 
upland and salt marsh lying by the Forest River, from the 
same, an acre and a half; this her husband and children 
sold to John Cochran, husbandman, for £10, s. G, d. 8. 
Sept. 14, 1763. "Mary his then wife being since de- 
ceased." He lived in Washington St. They had : 

I. John 4 , bap. Aug. 8, 1725, d. ab.* 1782, m. d ab.» 
1750, Sarah (Titcombe) Stocker, who d. Apr. 16, 1799. 

II. Mary 4 , bap. July 21, 1728, d. Dec. 3, 1785, m d . 
June 12, 1750, James Ban*, b. in England, Oct. 29, 
1721, d. Aug. 5, 1803. 

III. William 4 , bap. Feb. 1, 1729, d. young. 
Vide "Ropes Family." 

Elizabeth 3 , m. d Feb. 6, 1729-3, Samuel Field, Ship- 
wright, bap. at the First Church, Dec. 31, 1727, at age, 
whom /she survived. 

She sold her share of all the real estate that came to 
her from her family, and her husband purchased from 
Sam. Fisk. Clerk, for £130, Oct. 15, 172S, a certain 
house lot of 3G p., bit. E. on the Townhouse St., S. on 
land of Mr. Batter & Mrs. Pickman, 15 p., 6 ft. to Mrs. 
P.'s N. W. cor. across said Fisk's land, N, to Norm* 
land, then N. partly on Norris', partly on Fisk's to said 

Also May 5, 1729, from Edmund Batter, Tanner or 
Yeoman, and wife Hannah, for £27, apiece, part of his 
homestead, E. on School-house St., S. on said Batter's, 
W. land lately belonging to brother Daniel, and N. on 
said Field's, to which he added by purchase from Edm. d 
Batter, Oct. 2, 1734, for £23, of a strip 10 feet broad 
and 64 f., 9 in. long, bd. N. & E. on said Field's, S. on 
his own, and W. Mrs. Abig. Pickman's land. 


Aug. 5, 1767, he bought of W. ,n Luscomb and wife 
Sarah for £6, s. 13, a wall-pew in the front gallery of the 
Great meeting-house (so called) being No. 12. 

Mar. 16, 1733, she joins with her husband in a sale to 
Benjamin Pickman, for £20, 10s., of 5 J poles of land, 
bd. W. by Philip Sanders, 36 feet, 7 in., N. by the same 
37 f., E. by said Field's land 37 f., and S. by said Pick- 
man's, 39 f. 

Her share of her uncle Flint's real estate included the 
lot next west of her brother Joseph's, with a cottage 
right known as Robinson's, this her brother bought Apr. 
24, 1735. 

The house in Washington St. in which she lived at the 
time of her death, and which was consumed in the great 
fire of 1774, was according to Col. Pickman built by her 
husband, and replaced by the present brick mansion, 
which now stands there (in the occupation of Samuel G. 
Kca, Esq.), built by her son. 

In endeavoring to escape from the house at the time of 
the fire, she struck her head against some part of it, with 
such violence as to cause her immediate death. 

They had issue : — 

I. Elizabeth 4 , bap. Oct. 25, 1730. 

II. Samuel 4 , bap. Apr. 30, 1732, d. Nov. 3, 1786, m. d 
Nov. 22, 1753, Priscilla Ingalls of Marblehead, by whom 
he had: 1. Elizabeth 5 , bap. Oct. 13, 1754, d. Oct. 15, 
1815, m. Oct. 10, 1778, Samuel Mclntyrc, the skilful 
and noted carver and architect, who d. Feb. 6, 1811, 
ailed 54, and with his wife is buried in the Charter St. 
graveyard; their son's wife Hannah, "Relict of Samuel 
Field Mclntire," b. June 12, 1780, d. Jan. 4, 1862, lies 
near them; 2. Mary 5 , bap. Aug. 7, 1757, d. Apr. 3, 
1789, m. (l June 3, 1781, David, son of Jona. and Eliza- 
beth (West) (Stacey) Ashby, bap. Apr. 17, 1757, d. 


Jan., 1822; 3. Pfiscilla 5 , & 4. Sarah 5 , twins, bap. Sept. 
14, 1760, Sarah 5 d. Sept. 22, 1803, unm." ; 5. Samuel 5 , 
bap. Feb. 27, 1763, perhaps the one who mtl. June 9, 
1811, Sally Proctor, and died the same month, being then 
of Cambridge, Vt. He m. d May 17, 1779, widow Lydia 
Holton, and Apr., 1781, widow Sarah Burgess, of Dan- 
vcrs. A Samuel, mariner, died at Chelsea, Nov. 9, 1841, 
aged 57. 

Sept. 7, 1784, he and wife Sarah deed to John Felt, 
Yeoman of Danvers, a common right, which came to him 
"by his ancestors" (probably "Robinson's cottage right"), 
which he sold to said Felt seven years ago, but had given 
no deed of. Sept. 23, following, the said Field, "Boat- 
builder," conveys to Ezra Newhall, Esq., for £27, a shop 
or building on his land fronting School St., adjoining 
Benj. Coates' heirs' land to keep it there five years for 
£2 8 s. yearly, with the privilege of the well and yard. 

Jan. 26, 1786, he conveys to Archelans Rea for £300 
a lot bd. E. on School St., S. on land of Coats' heirs, 
W. on do. of Benj. Pickman, Esq., and N. on do. of 
Edw. Norris, with the brick dwelling house thereon, and 
except a small house in which Thos. Newhall now lives, 
and that building now improved by Col. Newhall and son 
as a stable belonging to them and which they have a right 
to remove. 

(19) IV. Joseph 3 (31), b. 6 mo., 15 d., 1708, bap. 
May 22, 1709, d. Dec. 24, 1778, m. d ab.' 1731-2, Eliza- 
beth, clau. of Jonathan Bowers, of Swansey, Bristol Co., 
b. 11 mo., 1708, d. 9 mo., 15 d., 1771,* at Boston. 

He is called "Hatter" and "Feltinonger," an occupation 
which seems to have been followed by many of the Qua- 
kers of Salem, the Eastyses, Bowerses, and others. By 

♦"Aug., 1771, aged GO," says the Gazette. 


agreement with the other heirs, he became sole owner of 
his father's homestead, and here he lived until his removal 
to Boston, where he died. I suppose that the mansion- 
house which at present stands there was built by him. 

Mar. 8, 1735, he sold to his next neighbour, Joshua 
Hicks, Mercht., for £10, a certain strip, lying in an acute 
angle, bd. S. W. and N. W. on his land, N. E. on said 
Hick's, beginning at the St. in the dividing line between 
them, and thence running N. W. and by W. 55 ft., then 
turning and running N. E. and by E. 5 ft. to the dividing 
line, thence in said line to the St. Henry Bowers. 

Sarah Gaskill. 

His estate he divided in 1767, between his two sons 
Joseph 4 and John 4 , as will be seen. 

To Edw. Flint of Haverhill and his sister Mary, who 
married Sam. Wainwrioht of Ipswich, was assigned Lot 
No. 4, in the division of their uncle Benj. Flint's estate 
hereafter mentioned. This was on the upper corner of 
Essex and Dean Sts., next to No. 5, and immediately 
adjoining Jos. Dean's quarter of his mother's part; it was 
14 poles in length, with a breadth of 50 feet on Essex 
St., and sold with the building thereon, in 1736, to Jos. 
Dean ; also a i of a common right called Barber's. This, 
together with the back part of his own inherited portion 
and what he bought of the Fields, he sold to his son Jon- 
athan in 1766. 

July 6, 1742, he bought of Benj. Gerrish and wife 
Abigail (formerly Abigail Holloway, a daughter of Edw. 
Flint and sister of said Joseph's mother) for £50, "all 
our part of that swamp land at Claybrooke,"* &c, given 
by will of said Edw. to his said daughter, &c, in 1711, 

*Near the "Deacon's Marsh," I think. 


and July 5, of Edw. Flint and Samuel and Mary Wain- 
wright for £10 their portion of the same, two acres, bor- 
dering E. on the first purchased part, and on all other 
parts by the 1st division of common lands, called the 
great pasture; this he gave to his son Jonathan in 17G7. 
From the same Edw. and wife Lydia he bought for £70, 
in July, 1744, an acre of land, bd. N. on the Main St., 
E. by land of Benj. Gerrish, Esq., S. by do. of Nath. 
Ropes, and N. W. on ye way leading into ye great pas- 
ture, now enclosed with fence ; this he gave to his son 
Joseph in 1767. 

In 1751 he bought six acres in Swansey of Geo. 
Bowers ; t the common rights, except those inherited, were 
bought as follows : one formerly of Dan. Epes, Esq., 
from Benj. Prescott, Jr., Merch. 1 & wife Rebeccah, Aug. 
13, 1743 ; one formerly of Sam. Swasey, from his widow 
Ammi, Apr. 18, 1743; one formerly of Sam. Swasey, 
from his son Joseph, Hatter, of Swansey, Aug. 18, 1744. 

He appeal's to have divided his property befirc his 
death, and I find no account of administration in cither 
the Salem or Boston records. 

There were three distinct parcels of real estate in 
which the children of Joseph* 2 and Elizabeth Dean were 
interested, viz. : that which their father died possessed 
of, comprising his homestead on the corner of Essex and 
Dean Sts., their shares of which, with two common rights 
also, the other heirs, as above said, disposed of to their 
brother Joseph 3 , and the land in Dean St. by the North 
River, which Mary 3 and John Ropes received as a part of 
their portion ; then that which their mother received from 
her father, Edw. Flint's estate, or in exchange of her por- 
tion for her sister Lee's in 1713, in his will called "Gold- 
thrite's field," and which seems to have been about tho 


junction of the present Essex and Warren Sts. ; in 1734 
it was described as about "J an acre bd. N. on the Main 
St., E. by Id. of George Needham, S. do. of Nath. 
Ropes, & W. by do. of Benj. Gerrish." Each child in- 
herited one quarter; Joseph sold his to the Fields, Mar. 
1, 1734, who sold it with their quarter to the Ropescs, 
Oct. 14th following, who also the same day bought from 
the Blaneys their part, thus becoming owners of the 
whole; this was sold by the heirs of John and Mary 
Ropes to Win. Lang in 1792. It may have been further 
clown Essex St. than the above-said. Lastly there was 
their mother's portion of her uncle Benjamin Flint's 
estate ; this was a large one, running from Essex St. to 
the North River, west of Dean St., and perhaps extend- 
ing to the present Boston St., or including that; it had 
perhaps been the homestead of their grandfather Edward 
Flint. It was divided into seven portions, of which the 
Deans received No. 5, which had a frontage on Essex St. 
of 72 feet, beginning on the easterly side at a point 50 
feet from the upper corner of Dean St., and a depth of 
140 poles; each of Eliz. Dean's children received a quar- 
ter of her part ; Jos. the most easterly, Eliz. Field the 
next, Mary Ropes the next, and the Blaneys the next, 
the most westerly ; to them too the Ropescs sold their 
quarter and to Jos. Dean the Fields sold their quarter, 
1734-5 ; he sold afterwards the front lot of his to John 
West, which with the other half belonging to the Blaneys 
came into the possession, about 1763, of Dr. Ebcn Put- 
nam, whose heirs sold it to Jos. Ililler, Esq. ; it is now 
the home of Mr. William Ives, who a few years ago built 
a second house upon it. 



(11) George, 3 by wife Hannah had issue : — 
(20) I. Hannah 4 , b. fib. 1 1715,* bap. Nov. 2, 1718, 
cl. ab.* 1790, m. d Dec. 6, 1733, Isaac, son of .John and 
Elizabeth (Cook) Chapman, b. Aug. 27, 1710, d. before 
1757-8, by whom she had : 

I. Isaac 5 , bap. Jan. 29, 173G-7, d. ab.* 1797, at Bev- 
erly, m. d Mar. 18, 1760, Joanna Patch of Beverly, who 
perhaps d. the same year; mcl. 2dly, June 10, 1762, 
Rebecca Harris of Beverly, Avhcre he afterwards lived. 
He is styled "Fisherman," "Gentleman," and "Captain," 
and had issue: 1. Josiah Foster ; 2. Joanna; 3. Han- 
nah ; 4. Elizabeth. 

II. Benjamin 5 , bap. Apr. 8, 1738-9, d. probably before 
1783, mcl. Nov. 24, 1762, Sarah Buffington, and appar- 
ently 2dly, Sarah Henderson. He was a mariner and 
owned a house adjoining the homestead. He had : 1. 
Isaac Needham 6 , b. ab. 1 1773, m. d June 7, 1799, Rebecca 
Symonds ; 2. Rachel 6 , b. ab. 1 1775, md. Levi Maxcy, 
school-master ; 3. Benjamin , b. July, 1779, d. Jan. 2, 
1853, m. d Mar. 18, 1805, Mary Leach; a shipmaster. 

See Coll., Vol. Ill, p. 183. 

Guardianship of these three children was granted to 
his widow Sarah, who gave bond with Benj. Needham and 
Isaac Needham, Nov. 6, 1789. 

HI. George 5 , bap. July 26, 1741, m. d Nov. 1, 1762, 
Lydia, daughter of Edmund Hcnfield. 

IV. Hannah 5 , bap. June 5, 1743, m. (1 Dec. 5, 1765, 
James Symonds, 3d. 

*M:u-blehead, Men. 31, 1729. 

To ye Hon. Judge Appleton. 
Sr. I am one of ye Daughters of George Dean Deceased and am now become 
of age to Chuse my Guardian. Thig therefore is to*let you know I desire Mr. John 
West may by you be apointed as my Guardian. 

I am with respects Sr. Hhanah Den. 


V. Elizabeth 5 , bap. July 14, 1745, m« Juno 23, 1765, 
Richard Lunt of Newbury, by whom she had : 1. Eliza- 
beth , bap. Oct. 4, 1767 ; 2. Deborah , bap. at the same 
time; 3. Sarah , bap. Sep. 23, 1770; 4.' Richard?, bap. 
Sep. 27, 1772; 5. Joseph , bap. Dec. 4, 1774, at the 
North Church. 

VI. Mary 5 , bap. Dec. 28, 1746, m. d April 10, 1769, 
Thomas Symonds. 

The homestead of the family was on the upper corner 
of Essex and Summer Sts., which went by the name o 
"Chapman's Corner," as the opposite one was called, from 
the family which owned it, "West's Corner." I suppose 
the old house which stood there before the present brick 
dwelling-house was built upon the spot by Mr. Kinsman, 
and was occupied as a dwelling and umbrella-shop by 
Ottignoh, afterwards, I think, moved away, was one of 
the Chapman buildings. 

John Chapman, "Taylor," the father of Isaac, lived 
here, and died here Dec, 1744. 

In his will, made Dec. 12, proved Dec. 28, he men- 
tions son John, son Isaac, son Sam., daughter Hannah 
Gillingham, children of son Stephen deceased, children 
of son Joseph deceased, and beloved wife Elizabeth. 

I have no note of the items of it, but the homestead 
seems to have been divided and left to his son Isaac, son 
Benj., daughter Hannah and wife. 

His son John moved to Boston and was a shipwright 
there. His son Sam. moved to Marblehead, selling the 
part of the homestead which came to him at his mother's 
death to his nephew Isaac 5 . Stephen and Joseph were 
dead, so that the only two remaining were Isaac and 
Benj., and here they lived. 

There was another 'Isaac Chapman (sometimes called 
Chapplcman) who perhaps was a brother of John, Sen. 


He was a blacksmith, mil. Dec. 9, 1714, Mary, daughter 
of Edw. Britain, and died 1731-2, leaving throe chil- 
dren : Mary, b. Nov. 8, 1715, who md. an Atkinson, 
Michael, and Elizabeth. 

Dec. G, 1737, Isaac, probably before going to sea, 
makes his loving wife Hannah his attorney, and Feb. 18, 
1740, joins in a sale of property of hers to Joshua Hicks, 
and Sam. Pope, administrators on estate of John Ruck, 
and Apr. 6, 1742, to Dan. Grant of land adjoining. 

Feb. 1, 1717-8, Jos. Cook, blacksmith, and wife Mar- 
garet, mortgage to Col. Sam. Browne, Esq., for £45, his 
dwelling-house with outhousing and 12 poles of land or 
so, bd. N. on the Main St., S. by land partly of Jona. 
Bligh, and partly of John Cook, late dcc. d , W. by do. 
partly of Capt. Tho. Flint and partly the aforesaid John 
Cook, dec-. Vand Easterly by do. of John Chapman. 

The above was probably the property lately inherited 
by the Hon. Mr. Upham fiom the liopeses, by whom it 
was purchased of the family of Frisciila Abbot, to whom, 
as appears below, it belonged. 

Sept. 15, 1794, Sam. Blythc mortgages to Isaac Wil- 
liams a dwelling-house and land bd. E. on the street 
leading from Chapman's Corner to the Hill Bnrying-place, 
S. by land of late Isaac Williams, W. by land of Frisciila 
Abbot, and N. partly by do. of Chapman and partly of 
the heirs of John Nutting, Esq., dcc. d . 

Dec. 1, 179G, Sally Blythe, widow, conveys to Jona. 
Hodges, a dwelling-house in Summer St., bd. S. by the 
land (according to a deed from John Higginson to Sarah, 
wife of Jona. Blythe, 1730) then belonging to Isaac Wil- 
liams, W. by do. then of John Sterns* (afterwards of 
Pris. Abbot) N. by do. then of the Cooks and Chapmans, 

*John Chapman mil., 1st, 1391, Hannah Stems. 


<&c, being the manor-house of late husband Sam., clec. d , 
and lately sold by me except my right of dower to Cnpti 
Wm. Ornc, and by him re-conveyed to me. This land 
was added to from the Chapmans', as it appears. Of the 
Chapman house, which stood upon the corner of the 
street, the widow Elizabeth seem to have owned the south- 
ern end, and by will in 1758 to have bequeathed it to her 
son Sam., who Feb. 7, 1760, then of Marblehead, with 
wife Hannah sells it to his nephew Isaac of Salem, mari- 
ner, for £8(3, 13 s. It was then bd. S. by land of Hannah 
Gillingham, and W. by do. of John Nutting. 

In 1763, Apr. 9, the said Isaac, then of Beverly, sold 
it to his brother Benj. for £93, 6 s., 8 d., to which in 1769 
he added a piece of land of 2 J p. lying south of it, bought 
for £8 from his aunt Hannah Gillingham. 

Hannah, the widow of Isaac 5 , had the northern part 
and perhaps by purchase afterwards from Benj. 5 or his 
heirs the other part; in 1783, Oct. 2, she and her chil- 
dren George, Hannah and Mary Symonds, and Eliz. Lnnt 
sell out to Sam. Blythe "Painter," for £128 ; it was then 
bd. W. by the way* left out for Hannah Gillingham. 
Other heirs, John Chapman and Sarah Wei I man, widow, 
and heirs of Isaac of Beverly, in 1791, and widow Sarah 
Chapman and Joseph Henderson, in 1763, join in sale to 
said Blythe. 

In 1738, John Sen., and wife Eliz., and John, Jr., of 
Boston and wife Hannah sold to Wm. Campbell for £39 
a piece south of their other land, bd. W. by land of 
Young and Davis, E. the highway, S. by do. of Ncal. 

Witnesses to John in Boston. John Hobbs. 

Sam. Adams. 

In 1758 the widow Eliz. sold the piece next north of 

* In width thirteen feet. 


this to her grandson Isaac for 29£ 17s., being 28 p. and 
bd. S. by the widow Campbell's, and W. by land of 
Tobias Davis partly, and of Mis. Lee and Jos. Gardner 
partly ; this was the land sold by Isaac to Win. West in 
1760, the land of Jos. Gardner being now of Eben. r Put- 

There are conveyances of Isaac and wife Rebecca in 
Beverly to Sam. Cassman, Sept. 12, 17 66, and to K. 
Standly, Apr. 1, 1771. 

There was also another Isaac, "blacksmith," in Beverly ; 
an Isaac 2d appears as a witness in 1768, but 1 do not 
know which it was. 

Isaac and wife Priscilla convey to Abncr in 1796, and 
an inventory of the estate of Capt. Isaac was presented 
by Aimer in 1798. See appendix. 

Widow Hannah 4 joined with her sisters in a sale of the 
land in South-tickls, derived from her grandmother Mary 
Dean, to Timothy Pickering in 1757 ; administration 
upon her estate was granted to her son George, who gave 
bond with Sam. Blythc and Thomas Symonds Nov. 11, 

(21) II. Mary 4 , bap. Nov. 2, 1718, m/ 1 Apr. 19, 1739, 
Jonathan, son of Jona. and Jemima (Felt) Ashby, bap. 
July 21, 1717, d. 1783; she d. 1751, and he m.' 1 2dly, 
Dec. 7, 1752, Eliz., wid. of Win. Stacey and daughter of 
Samuel and Mary (Gale) West. 

By his wife Mary 4 , he had issue : 

I. Mary 5 , bap. Mar. 2, 1740, prob. d. unm. d 

II. Hannah 5 , bap. Nov. 1, 1741, m*. Oct. 8, 1769, 
William Young, b. 1751, d. 1806. Ins. Coll., Vol. Ill, 
p. 130. 

III. Benjamin 5 , bap. July 17, 1743, probably d. before 

IV. Jonathan 5 , b. 1746, d. Nov. 15, 1797, m' 1 . Dec. 1, 


1768, Lyclia Kimball, and .had : 1. Jonathan , bap. Nov. 
5, 1769, m. d Nov. 11, 1792, Sarah Fitch, who tl. Sept. 
24, 1807, aged 34, and is buried in the Charter St. grave- 
yard, where also the gravestones of others of the family 
arc to be found ; 2. Lyclia 6 , bap. Dee. 2, 1770 ; 3. Alary , 
bap. Mar. 1, 1772; 4. Samuel ; 5. Benjamin , perhaps 
m. d Mary Young, Sept. 20, 1807 ; (5. Thomas ; 7. Lucy 6 , 
bap. Jan. 7, 1781; 8. John , prob. bap. Feb. 22, 1784; 
9. Elizabeth ; 10. Hannah , bap. June 1, 1788 ; 11. Hitty , 
bap. Mar. 14, 1790, d. young. 

V. Jemima 5 , Mar. 6, 1751, m cl . May 2, 1774, Samuel 
Young, and 2dly, 1780, John Howard. Coll. Vol. IV, 
p. 85. 

By his wife Eliz. he had issue : 

VI. David, bap. Apr. 17, 1751, m. (1 Mary Field 5 . 

VII. Sarah, bap. Oct. 1, 1758, in. d Apr. 2, 1780, John 
Orne of Marbiehead. 

VIII. Eliz. 11 , bap. May 3, 1761, d. May 23, 1823, 
iinm. (1 ; in her will of May 19, she mentions nephew 
David Ashby, caulker and graver, and neice Mary, wife 
of Richard Ames Wrisbridge, and said Mary's daughter, 
Eliz. Brown, a minor. Mark Pitman, Ex. 1 ' 

In 1740 Mary Ashby joined with her sisters in the sale 
to Joshua Hicks and Samuel Pope, administrators, and in 
1742, to Daniel Grant, and her husband, she being dead, 
in the sale to Timothv Pickering in 1757. 

He was a shipwright, as many of his faniity were, an 
occupation which was followed for succeeding generations 
by his own and other neighboring families. The genea- 
logical student cannot fail to he struck with the numerous 
instances in which certain trades were kept in certain 
families and transmitted from one generation to another. 
This is natural and fitting, and doubtless, too, the earlier 
generations in this country instinctively adhered to the 


traditional customs of their fore-fathers in the old coun- 
try, in some parts of which this custom is in full force. 

The homestead of the Ashbys* and a kindred family, 
the Morongs,* was in Water St., [limiting on the Charter 
St. graveyard. A wharf and buildings on the opposite 
side of the street also belonged to them. 

July 4, 1750, he and his brother George bought from 
the other heirs the eastern and western ends respectively 
of their late father's house, N. on the burying- place, etc. 

June 1, 1752, George Ashby and wife Hannah convey 
to brother Jonathan for 20£ -J of a certain wharf, f with 
a warehouse or barn, and mitts under and adjoining, the 
other i belonging to said Jonathan, bd. N. on the St., 
W. by land of heirs of Sam. Brown, Esq., dec.' 1 , E. by 
do. of Joshua Hix, and S. extending to the channel. 

To this he added on the west by purchase from Sam. 
Calley and wife Abigail, Oct. 5, 17(52. 

June 13, 1763, Dan. Mackay, Mcrch.*, and wife Esther 
convey to him for GG£, 13s., a piece of land bd. YV. by 
land of said Ashby, E. by do. of late Timothy Lindall, 
Esq., formerly James LindalPs, N. the Burying Point, 
and S. by a Town-way or passage-way ; also the ware- 
house thereon. 

Jan. 1, 1777, Martha " Meuroug," widow, buys of 

*It is hoped that the. more perfe ;t account of these families in course of prepa- 
ration by a descendant may soon find ltd promised place upon the pages of the 

f John Howard, guardian to John, Eliz., and Hannah, minor children of Jona. 
Ashby. deceased, tells to ThOs. Chipman jj of premises bd. W. by land of David 
Ashby, K; by do. of Timothy Brooks, formerly of Timothy Lin dale, deceased, S. 
by Water St., and X. by the burying-pomt, wiili the dwelling house, &e , fur $710.03. 
June 2'.). 1803. Tiios. Chipman and Eh/,. iv-3onvoy it lo John Howard July 5, 

Said John Howard in said capacity also conveys for $S>0.00. to Jedulhan Upton 
§ of a wharf and Hats, bd X. on Water >t„ S. on the South River, E. on premises 
of Win. Gray, Jr., W. on do. of David Ashby. June 2S), ISO"). 

July 5, 1SU5, the other heirs Jona. and wife Sally, Samuel, TJcnj. and wife Polly, 
John Howard, Attorney, to Thos. and Lucy K.? Ashby of Ejslou, Spinster, for 
$1,370.UO convey the other § to said Upton. 


W. m Batman and wife Eliz. J of a dwelling-house bd. 
N. on the burying-point land, E. by land of Ashby, S. 
by the street and W. by the other J of said house, the 
latter i she having bought from Jos. Rollings, Aug. 27, 

Thomas Morong, the father of the said Martha's hus- 
band John, m fl . Jemima, the sister of Jona. Ashby. 

Jona 5 . and David 5 , and their sister Eliz. 5 in 1797 sold 
to their brother-in-law John Howard a common right for- 
merly of their father, dec. d 

In 1800 the Ashbys joined the other heirs of Jemima 
Felt in the sale of their share of the Bonfield farm. See 
Felt Family. 

(22) III. Damaris 4 , bap. Nov. 2, 1718; all three sis- 
ters were baptized at the same time with their father. 
She was of Boston Nov. 22, 1739, when she makes her 
brother-in-law, Jona. Ashby, her attorney, who as such 
joins her sisters in the sales to Hicks and Pope, and 
Grant. There, too, by the Rev. Addington Davenport 
of Trinity Church, she was married, Apr. 26, 1742, to 
John Brackett. At that church her children were bap- 
tised : 

I. George 5 , Feb. 13, 1743. 

II. John 5 , June 3, 1744, and in the register of burials 
I find John Brakct, July 15, 1758. 

Whether she married again or when she died, I am not 

The three sisters derived real estate from their mother 
Hannah Ruck, and from their father George, which came 
by his mother. 

In regard to the former;* Feb. 13, 1743, the three 

* This land in brier was that between Dean and Munroc Street?, at present oc- 
cupied by l lie mansion-hnupe of I lie Wheatland or Rogers family. 

A pari of John Ruck's land is the fcite of Mr. Bertram's house, but it extended 
farther west also. 


heirs sell to Joshua Hicks and Sam. Pope, administrators 
on estate of John Ruck, dec/ 1 , Blacksmith, for £300, all 
their right, being f, in that part of the real estate of their 
grandfather Thomas, dec. d , given said John, dec.' 1 , and 
Thomas by his will of June 30, 1704, with the twenty 
poles given to Damaris, dec. d Feb. 18, 1740. 

Whereas the children aforesaid have released to the 
administrators of John Ruck, dec. d , for. his heirs the 
twenty poles given to Damaris, and some doubt arises as 
to who should have the lot immediately next to Jos. 
Duglass'; it is therefore agreed, said administrators being 
impowerecl by the General Court, that Hannah, Mary and 
Damaris give said lot to John's heirs, and they take the 
second lot next. Feb. 18, 1740. 

This piece of land, fronting on Essex St. 2 J poles, and 
running back 8 poles, and bcl. E., N., and W. by land of 
Joshua Hicks, they sold to Daniel Grant, April 6, 1742. 

The other land was in South-fields, one and three quar- 
ters acres bd. E. on the highway, S. by land of Timothy 
Pickering, N. by do. of the heirs of Jona. Glover, dec. d , 
and W. by the Deacon's Marsh,* and bought by Timothy 
Pickering for 29 £ 6 s. 8 d. Feb. 9, 1757. 

Before I had opportunity to get the two Bracketts to 
sign this Deed the Husband died. Sometime after, when 
she came to Salem she executed it as within. Timothy 

Acknowledged by said Damaris Sept. 25, 1758. 

*What was the exact location of the Deacon's Marsh, and what was its eastern 
boundary in 1690-1700 ? The Glover land was bought from the heirs of John Crom- 
well in 1714; it was formerly called "Prince's Lott." 


Abbot, 202, 256, 311. 
A'Becket, 265. 
Acee, 33. 
Acie, 2(51. 

Abercrombie, 55, 63, 213, 
A'Court, 2(i5. 

Acy, 99, 253-4, 256, 259-261. 
Adams, 7, 11,14,17,37,4(5-7, 

51, 67, 99, 209, 221-5, 232-5, 

2(57, 3J2. 
Aldington, 101, 281. 
A'Deane, 2(55. 
JEthra, 2. 
AUbrd, 184. 
Allen, 67, 138, 225, 227. 
Ames, 127. 
Amory, 161, 163, 176, 198-9, 

Anderson, 67. 
Andrew-s, 67, 81, 97, 169, 

285, 291, 299. 
Appleton, 57, 67-8, 159-73, 

183-5, 188, 191-210, 218, 309. 
Archer, 285, 289, 290-1, 293. 
Armstrong, 121, 123. 
Arnold, 218, 227. 
Asa, 260. 
Asee, 25(5, 259. 
Ashby, 08, 304, 313-6. 
Ashton, 68, 213. 
Asie, 254. 
Asoph, Bishop of St., 7, 

Atkinson, 105. 
AudeburU121, 123, 132-3. 
Austin, 156, 259. 
Avery, 97, 218-9. 

Babbidge, 68, 82. 

Bacon, 280-1. 

Bagerle, 143, 150. 

Bagley, 54, 57, 61-2, 296. 

Bailey, 255, 257-62, 296. 

Baker, 92, 98-9. 

Balch, 121-9, 139, 173, 176, 

180, 241, 249. 
Baldwin,, 100. 
Bancroft, 102. 
Barber, 306. 
Barker, 98, 253-61. 
Barnard, 68, 302. 
Barney, 98. 
Barr, 08, 303. 
Barrel, 176. 
Barry, 43, 98, 215. 
Bartholomew, 68, 73, 81. 

Bartlett, 65, 68. 

Bartoll; 65, 108. 

Barton, (58, 279. 

Batch elor, 90. 

Batter, 68, 294, 295, 303. 

Beadle, 08, 278-9. 

Beamsley, 103. 

Becket, (58. 

Beckford, 271, 290-1. 

Beckly, 151. 

Beckwith, 01. 

Beggarly, 150-1. 

Bell, 121,124,132-3,245. 

Bennitt, 91, 100. 

Bentley. 71. 81. 

Berkeley, 48. 

Berry, 9*1, 273. 

Bertram, 293, 316. 

Best, 69. 

Bethell, 69. 

Bicklbrd, 235, 271, 273, 287- 

9, 292. 
Bishop, 95, 100, 102. 
Black stone. 38. 
Blanchard, 69, 242. 
Blaney,297, 300-2, 308. 
Bligh, 298, 311,313. 
Blodgette, 253. 
Bolingbroke, 8. 
Bonlield, 310. 
Bonner, 47. 
Borman, 94-5, D9, 103. 
Bosfovd, 105. 
Bott, 87. 
Bounderby, 47. 
Bourn, 27. 
Bowdin, 209. 

Bowditch, 69, 273, 280, 289. 
Bowdoin, 14, 100-1, 295. 
Bowen, 27, 176. 
Bowers, 297, 305-7. 
Bowres, 272, 274. 
Boyes, 253-4. 
BoyMon, 199. 
Boyuton, 109, 196-7, 201, 

254-6, 259-62. 
Brackenbury. 138-9. 
Brackett, 310-7. 
Bradbury, 91. 
Braddock, 62. 
Bradlee, 126-9,241,245,249. 
Bradshaw, 66. 
B rati street, 92, 97, 100, 102, 

Bragg, 96. 

Brattle, 160, 208. 

Bray, 08-9, 77. 

Brazer, 206. 

Brewer, 01, 99.' 

Bridge, 212-13. 

Bridges, 95, 2(57-8, 282. 

Briggam, 253-4. 

Briggs, 70. 

Bright, 142-0. 

Brimmer, 104, 180, 182,190. 

Britain, 311. 

Britton, 295-6. 

Brocklebank, 254-62. 

Bromfleld, 165. 

Brooks, 70, 815. 

Browne, 9, 27, 70, 81, TO, 93, 

103, 135-8, 140, 142, 109-70, 

205, 227, 255, 272, 279, 290, 

295, 311, 314-5. 
Browning, 97-8, 102. 
Bruce, 107. 
Bucanan, 281. 
Buckley, 295. 
Buffington, 70,'74, 309. 
Bun'um, 271-3, 283, 289,293, 

Bulhack, 135. 
Bullard. 249-50. 
Bullock, 285, 289. 
Bunch at, 101. 
Burbank, 53, 257-02. 
Burbeck, 120. 
Burgess, 305. 
Burke, 43-4, 218. 
Burkebee, 258. 
Burnham, 50, 101-2,105,205. 
Burley, 70. 
Burnet, 8, 9. 
Burrill, 70. 
Burrows, 234. 
Bussey, 245. 
Butman, 70, 317. 
Buttolph, 70. 
Buxton, 287, 297. 

Cabot, 70,210,297. 
(Jaj.sur, 11. 
Calef 208. 
Calkins, 58. 
Callahan, 104. 
Calley, 315. 
Oambnll, 70. 
Camden, Lord, 43-4.' 
Campbell. 219, 312-3. 
Carleton, 253. 
Caiinichad. 227. 



Carswell, 295. 
Carter, 200. 
Cassman, 313. 
Chamberlain, 125. 
Chandler, 42, 70. 
Chaplin, 254-5. 
Chapman, 100, 291, 309-12, 
Chappleman, 310. 
Charles 1,40,50. 
Chatham, 43. 
Chatwell, 70. 
Cheever, 71, 193, 290. 
Cheney, 9(5. 
Chipman, 71, 315. 
Choate, 55, 57. 
Clarke, 65, 90, 98-9, 102, 179, 

250-7, 200. 207. « 
Cleaveland, 53, 59-61, 71. 
Cleave.*, 100, 234. 
Cleverly, 122, 247. 
Clugston, 280. 
Coates, 305. 
Coehran, 303. 
Coffin, 170, 209,210. 
Cogswell, 94, 100. 
Co it, 58. 
Colcord, 94. 
Cole, 71, 93,272. 
Collings, 170. 
Collins, 94. 
Colman,34, 87, 255-6. 
Comfort, 71. 
Conant, 71, 102, 105, 139. 
Conkling, 71. 
Corn-table. 184. 
Conway, 43. 
Cook, (55,71,277-8, 283, 2S5, 

287-92,297-8, 309,311. 
Coolidge, 110-7. 
Coombs, 71, 174. 
Copernicus, 3. 
Corey, 71. 
Cornell, 97. 
Corning, 98, 100. 
Coruwallis, 226-9,232. 
Corwin, 130, 297. 
Corynetes, 1. 
Couper, 255. 
Cox, 25, 71. 

Crafts, 115.134,237-251. 
Cranmer, 47. 
Croad, 268-9, 279, 282. 
Cromwell, 317. 
Crosby, 71, 94. 
Cro^s, 90-7, 100. 
Crowninshield, 71,210. 
Cnnibs, 71. 

Cummings, 62-3, 98-9. 
Cunningham, 62-3. 
Curwen, 142, 214. 
Curwin, 108. 
Gushing, 24, 130, 132. 
Cutt, 105. 

Daland, 2S7-8. 

Dalton,23, 102. 

Dana, 225. 

Dane, 95. 205. 

Daniel, 71, 150-1, 278, 2SS, 

Darbey, 298. 
Darby, 195, 293. 

Dartmouth, Earl of, 19,22. 

Dashwood, 202. 

Davenport, 316. 

Davis, 50, 179,209-11,312-3. 

Deadman, 297. 

Dean, 71. 263-317. 

Deane, 72, 264-5, 269-84, 

Debete, 143, 
Deen, 269. 
Dene, 264. 
Denison, 91. 
Dennuni, 90. 
De I'eyster, 54, 58. 
Derbe, 292. 
Derby, 25, 64, 67, 72, 107, 

195,' 213, 236, 279. 292-3, 

Dickinson, 253-6, 259-60. 
Dinine, 280. 
Dismore, 72. 
Dixev, 90, 97, 140. 
Dock'wood, 170. 
Dodge, 57, 72-3, 98, 213. 
Dorman, 98. 
Dave, 189. 194. 
Drake, 167, 195 279. 
Draper, 5. 
Dresser, 257, 259-61. 
Dressir, 260. 
Druser, 258. 
Drusure, 258. 
Dudle, 143. 
Duffield, 226. 
Duglass, 283-4, 293, 317. 
Dunbar, 297, 302. 
Duncan, 213. 
Dunlap, 224. 
Dunwell. 102. 
i)u rant, 249-50. 
Durfey, 252. 
Dupuis, 197, 199. 
Dutch, 72, 80. 
Dwight, 160. 
Dynn, 265. 

Eastes, 279. 

Eastee. 276. 

Eastv, 283, 305. 

Eaton, 94. 

Edes, 110-9, 126-32, 191, 245, 

Edwards, 179. 
Eels, 02. 
El kins, 72. 
Elliot, 101. 
Ellis, 166. 
El son. 294. 
Els worth, 258,201-2. 
Elvins, 72. 
El well, 105. 
Em burgh, 202. 
Emerson, 59, 60, 72. 
Emery, 163, 
Endicott, 35, 97, 136-40, 

Epes, 307. 
Epps, 95, 101-2. 
Erving, 170, 183, 195, 199. 
E-tes, 269, 276, 292, 302. 
Esty, 283. 

Eveleth, 72. 

Fairfield, 73. 

Farloe, 91. 

Earn ham. 143, 252. 

fellows, 200. 

Felt, 72, 235, 305, 313, 316. 

Felton, 152. 

Feveryear, 72. 

Field, 72, 303-4,306, 308, 314. 

Filield, 73 

Fisher, 290. 

Kisk,92, 303. 

Fitch, 55, 208, 314. 

Flagg, 198. 

Flint, 279, 282-7, 297, 300, 

302, 306-8, 311. 
Flora, 284. 
Flucker, 15-6. 
Fogg, 159. 
Folger, 207-S. 
Forrester, 72. 
Foster, 72, 271-2, 277. 
Fowl, 170. 
Fowler, 96. 
Fowles, 239. 
Fowlis, 72. 
Franklin, 10, 183. 
Freeman. 160. 
French, 100-1, 191, 204. 
Frost, 81. 

Frothingham. 36, 151. 
Five, 20, 22, 29, 72-3, 142, 

Fuller, 94. 
Furber, 275-8. 

Gage, 8, 9, 10, 13, 15. 16, 19, 

21,24, 62, 141, 151, 157, 176, 

178, 195, 257,' 259, 200. 
Gale, 249-50, 295, 313. 
Gallison. 170. 
Galvane, 11. 
Gammis, 95. 
Gardner, 25, 30, 73, 75, 172, 

180, 188, 212-3, 230, 280, 

299, 313. 
Gaskill, 306. 
Gates, 215, 220. 
Gathman. 73. 
Gednev, 73, 136, 138-40,267- 

8, 270, 279, 289. 
George 111,3, 4, 140. 
Gerrish, 73, 279, 284, 306-S. 
Gerry, 217, 223-5,228,231, 

Gilbart, 73. 
Globs, 148.210. 
Giddings, 58-9. 
Gilbert, 95, 100, 102. 
Gill, 126-7, 129, 249. 
Gilliugham, 298, 310,312. 
Glover. 73-4, 207, 209, 2t8-9, 

294.317. * 

Godfrey, 93. 
Goldthrite, .".07. • 
Goodell, 1,20-s, 295. 
Goodhue, 74,91, 98. 
Goose, 293. 
Gould, 74, 97. 102. 
Go wen, 130-1, 212-3, 247. 
Grail grind, 47. 


Grafton, 74,290, 208. 
Grant, 74, 130, 245, 25S-G2, 

Gray, 30, 74, 11(5-7, 121 126- 

7, 129, 130, 202, 237, 245, 

240, 315. 
Greene, 77, 93, 101, 151, 176, 

Green leaf, 60, 127, 157. 
Greenough, 99. 
Griffin, 94, 2(57-8. 
Griffith, 239, 247, 249-50,252. 
Grig, 203. 
Griggs, 101. 
Grigory, 212-4. 
Grove, 74. 
Guilson, 208. 

Hacker, 74. 
Hartley, 94. 
Haines, 100. 
Haldimand, 22. 
Hale, 100. 
Hall, 7, 170. 
Hallowed, 175. 
Hamilton, 18, 251-2. 
Hammond, 1(55, 
Hancock, 29, 30, 209, 250. 
Hardy, 72, 74. 
Harridan, 74. 
Harriman, 258-01. 
Harris, 100, 177, 181, 193, 

Harrison, 170. 
Hart, 53, 56, GO, 74, 121, 282. 
Harvey, 298. 
Hasletine, 277. 
Hasleton, 272. 
Haskell, 100-1. 
Ha'sket, 25. 
Hathorne, 71, 74, 77, 86/27G, 

Haven, 170. 
Haviland, 54. 
Hawks, (51-2. 
Hawthorne, 20, 86, 88. 
Hayley, 1)9, 203. 
Hazard, 217. 
Hazel ton, 94. 
Hazen, 102, 254-61. 
Hay ward, 291. 
Hearsay, 251-2. 
Hellas, 1. 
Henderson, 1G7, 288-9, 290, 

309, 312. 
Hen field, 87, 309. 
Herbert, 75. 
Heroe, 75. 
Herrick, 75. 
Hersey, 25. 
Heussler, 75. 
Hewes, 1(58, 190. 
Heyley, 109, 170. 
Hicks, 285, 298, 303, 311, 

Hidden, 256, 259. 
Higginson, 75, 81, 145-0, 

209-10, 267-8, 277, 279, 283, 

284, 291, 293, 311. 

Hildretli, 75. 
Hill, 75, 173, 194. 
Hiller. 308. 
Hilliard, 65, 75. 
Hillsborough, 11. 
Hinkley, 116-24. 
Hirst, 75, 279. 
Hobbs, 312. 
Ilobson, 255. 

Hodges, 25, 70,290,290,311. 
Hodgkins, 90, 203, 249-50. 
Hoi brook, 25, 200. 
Holliman, 7(5, 261. 
Hoaiingworth, 76. 
Hoi Iowa y, 30(5. 
Holmes, 257-8, 261. 
Holton, 214-5, 217, 219, 223, 

22(5, 230. 232, 305. 
Holyoke, 102, 200, 200, 

Hood, 167. 
Hooper, 17, 170, 211. 
Hopkins, 33, 169, 203. 
HoMiier, 7(5. 

Hpvey, 94, 99, 105, 1G8, 183. 
Howard, 314-5-6. 
Howe, 102, 153, 167, 245. 
Howlett, 99-100. 
Hubbard, 95, 98, 105. 
Hudebert, 245. 
Hughes, 101, 183. 
Hunt, 70, 76, HI, 160, 181, 

196, 200. 
Hurd, 179. 
Hussie, 93. 
Hussev, 207. 
Hutchinson, 9, 11, 37, 175. 

Ingalls, 70, 276, 304. 
Insrersoll, 54, 58, 77, 110-9, 

123. 130, 245, 303. 
Ives, 279, 290, 297-9, 308. 

Jackson, 120, 155-0, 159-65, 
170, 177, 180-2, 185, 192-4, 
204, 234, 253, 256-8. 

Jago, 103. 

James, 37, 249-50. 

James II, 272. 

Jay, 224, 228. 

Javne, 77. 

Jefl'erds, 77. 

Jef— s, 200. 

Jefferson, 37, 219. 

Jeffry, 77, 101. 

Jenison, 77, 299. 

Jewett, 253-61. 

Jinkins, 167-S. 

Johnson, 44, 70, 203, 256-61. 

Johnston, 210. 

Jones, 15, 77, 272. 

Junius, 5. 

Kehew, 77. 
Kelley, 77. 
Kemble, 62. 
Kempton, 65-8. 
Kenedy, 127. 
Kenney, 77, 234. 
Keyzer, 77. 
Kilborne, 261. 
Killam, 102. 

Killikelly, 203. 

Kimball," 31, 77, 90,91, 115, 

237,271. 814. 
King, 77, 285,291. 
Kitchen, 269-71, 275-0, 283, 

Kingsbury, 257. 
Kinsman, 310. 
Knight. 138-9. 
Knowlton, 77. 

Laha, 168. 

Lambert, 77, 100, 117, 120, 

124, 257, 259, 260, 275, 278, 

2SI-2, 284. 
Lainpson, 103. 
Lane, 77. 

Lang, 77, 82, 110, 303. 
Lauchlln, 295. 
Langley, 25, 257-60. 
Laurens. 224. 
Lawe, 253-8. 
Lawrence, 78. 
Leach, 300. 
Leaver, 253-01. 
Leavitt, 302. 
Lee, 23(5, 284, 307, 313. 
Leech, 78, 151, 191, 
Leiavour, 78. 
Lemon, 78. 
Leslie, 32. 
Levitt, 93. 
Lewis, 176. 
Lincoln, 29, 30, 126-9, 159, 

237-8, 241. 
Lincoln, Earl of, 47. 
Lindall, 78, 297, 315. 
Linzies, 121. 
Little, 78, 234. 
Lloyd, 1(58. 
Locker, 281. 
Longhorne, 257. 
Longstaff, 269. 
Lord, 90, 94. 
Lords of Trade, 9. 
Loring, 167, 297. 
Lossing, 155. 
Lovell, 16(5, 171-S8, 190,195- 

6, 201, 214-33. 
Lovering, 78. 
Low, 78. 

Lowell, 105, 202-4, 210. 
Lunt, 33, 310, 312. 
Luscomb, 78, 303. 
Lyde, 164, 175. 
Lyman, 54, 56, 60-2. 
Lynch, 199, 203. 
Lynde, 70, 79. 

McClarra, 213. 
McClnre, 121, 123, 245. 
Mackav, 315. 
Maclntire, 79. 304. 
Mackie, 294, 315. 
Macklaflin, 91. 
McPherson, 79. 
Manduit, 175. 
Manning, 79, 101,231. 
Manslield. 66, 79, 234-5. 
Marble, 96, 235. 
Marrett, 126-32, 139, 249. 


Maronv, 109. 

Marsh," 15-2. 

Marshall, 94, 150, 181, 183. 

Marshed, 79. 

Marston, 79, 125, 17G, 238, 

245-6, 250, 269. 
Martin, 91, 126-7. 
Mascarene, 210, 236. 
Mason, 25. 
Masury, 79. 
Mather, 79. 
Maule, 42, 98, 100, 2GS-9, 

Maxcy, 309. 
Mayberry, 301. 
Melville, 115, 127-30, 243, 

Meinzeis, 126. 
Meinzies, 127, 132-3, 245. 
Menzei-, 123. 
Metcalf, 90, 121,123,245. 
Meurong, 315. 
Mighell, 253-4, 2G0, 271. 
Miller, 105. 
Millet, 79, 80, 99, 290. 
Mines, 183. 
Mingo, 170-1,177,181. 
Minotaur, 1. 
Molloy. 80. 
Montcalm, 63. 
Moore, 57, 72, SO, 121, 132-3. 
Morgan, 226, 288. 
Morons, 315-6. 
Morony, 201. 
Morris. 185, 190. 
Morse, 133, 241. 
Morton, 47. 
Moses, 80, 96. 
Mosheim, 36. 
Mould, 80. 
Moulin, 59. 
Mourang, 59. 
Mudge, 80. 
Mugiord, 80. 
Muuroe, 316. 

Nash. 215. 

Navro, 130. 

Nealand, 99. 

Neale, 80, 271, 312. 

Needham.291, 308-9. 

Kelson, 220, 257-01. 

Nequallis, 99. 

Nevvan. 105. 

Newell, 156. 

Newh.ill, 55, SO, 115-3, US, 

235. 237, 305. 
Newman, 90, 105. 
Newton, 11. 
Nichols, 62, 65, 81, 98, 184, 

Nicoll, 167, 170, 184, 192, 194, 


Norcutt, 241-2. 
Norman, 138. 
Morris, 289, 303, 305. 
Northend, 255-61. 
Nortliey, 302 
Northumberland, Earl of, 

Nourse, 80. 
Nowell, 112. 

Noves, 165. 

Nutting, 80, 205, 208, 288, 
301, 311-2. 

Ogilvie, 54-5, 60, 62. 
Oliver, 19,21,27, 142,153. 
Orange. 284. 
Orne, 107, 208, 285, 291, 298, 

Osgood, 60, 107, 231, 295. 
Otis, 225-6. 
Ottingnon, 310. 

Packer, 107, 275-6. 
Page, 95. 107, 117. 
Paine, 14, 95, 99, 230. 
Pal trey, 107, 139, 272,295, 

Palmer. 23, 254, 258-62. 
Parker, 205. 
Parkman, 107-8. 
Parrot, 253-4. 
Parsons, 60. 
Partridge, 219, 231. 
Patch, 309. 
Patterson, 108. 
Pavson, 54, 58, 61. 
Pea body, 25, 97, 99, 102, 

Pearce, 97, 147, 149. 
Peaslee, 300, 302. 
Peck, 25, 180. 
Peeas, 108. 
Peele, 64-6, 75, 108. 
Peirce. 108. 
Peirson, 208. 
Pel ham, 242. 
Pelops, 2. 

Perkins, 90-105, 108, 299. 
Per ring, 95. 
Person, 254-6, 260-1. 
Peters, 150. 
Phaja, 1. 
Phelps, 108, 290. 
Phi I brick, 94. 
Phillips, 108, 125-31, 159, 

162, 170, 176,181, 191,193, 

195, 197, 204, 232, 241-2, 

245, 219, 270, 296. 
Phippen, 288. 
Pickard, 253-7, 261-2. 
Pickering, 25, 34-5, 81, 216- 

7, 268, 293, 313-4, 317. 
Pickman, 34, 108 ,213, 303-5 
Pickton, 100. 
Piekworth. 235. 
Pierce, 65, 252. 
Pierpoint, 123, 134. 
Pigeon, 296. 
Pike, 234, 259, 260. 
Pilsberry, 237. 
Pitcairn, 213. 
Pitman, 109,314. 
Pitt, 44. 
Pitts, 153, 158. 
Plaisted, 301. 
Plantagenet, 46. 
Platfcs, 257-02. 
Pomerov, 55. 
Pomp, 100, 
Poore, 296. 

Pope, 287, 293, 311, 314, 

Porter, 98, 151-2, 160, 209. 
Potter, 94. 
Powell, 250. 
Pownal, 54. 
Poynton, 34. 
Pratt, 51, 109. 
Preble, 33-4, 61-2. 
Prentiss, 165-6, 177-9, 181-2, 

184, 188, 193. 
Prescott, 109, 307. 
Preston, 235. 
Price, 44, 87, 136. 
Priestly, 44. 
Prime, 250. 258-9. 
Prince, 121, 125, 209, 278, 

Procter, 109, 202, 301, 305. 
Puck, 5. 
Pulling, 109. 
Punchard, 288-9. 
Purchis, 92, 300. 
Putnam, 25, 54, 56-9, 109, 

214, 308, 313. 
Pyuchon, 208-9, 213. 

Quincy, 156, 159, 164, 174-5. 

Ramsdell, 92, 109. 

Rand, 109. 

Rantoul. 109. 

Kapin. 36. 

Rea, 301-5. 

liedington, 97-9. 

Reed, 109. 

Reeves, 65, 270, 283. 

Reidel, 243. 

Remington, 255-3. 

Ren ell, 147. 

Revere, 115. 119, 121-2, 127, 

129, 130, 139, 241-2, 245-7, 

Reyner, 253. 
Rice, 234. 
Richardson, 109. 
Rivinjiton, 175, 224. 
Bobbins, 268, 270. 
Kobie, 209. 
Robinson, 2S, 101-2, 109, 

196, 277, 304-5. 
Robson, 199. 
Rogers, 53-61, 109, 170, 198, 

234, 316. 
Rollings, 316. 
Roper, 90. 
Ropes, 65, 110, 209, 285, 289, 

292-3, 296,303, 307-8, 311. 
Rose, 110. 
Ross, 110. 
Roundy, 100-1. 
Ruch, 110, 267-8, 292-3, 311, 

Rum ford, Connt, 166. 
Wush, 220. 
Russell, 102, 110, 115, 167-8, 

171, 183,251-2. 
Rust, 27. 
Kyley, 258-60. 
Ryne, 110. 

Sabine, 15. 


Sainsbury, 11. 

St. Asaph, Bishop of, 40, 42. 

St. John, 47. 

Sal In si, 2. 

Sally, 208. 

Salisbury, 12G. 

Salstonstall, 200. 

Sampson, LOO, 110,173. 

Sanders, 110,304. 

Sanford, 152. 

Sargent, 91, '210. 

Satchwell, 260-1. 

Saul, 110. 

Savage, 46, 75. 

Sawyer, 110. 

Sayward, 93. 

Scales, 253. 

Seoneld, 96. 

Scollav, 110, 121, 126-7, 130, 

156-7, 196, 245. 
Scott, 95. 
Searle, 90. 
Seldon, 110. 
Bewail, 273-6, 283, 294. 
Sharper, 175. 
Sharswood, 38. 
Shattack, 110-1. 
Sheldon, 216.218. 
Shen stone, 220. 
Sherburn, 200. 
Shipley, 43. 
Shortland, 86. 
Shrewsbury, 29. 
Shrimpton, 101. 
Sibley, 249, 250, 292. 
Simmons, 110. 
Simpson, 207, 209, 284, 293. 
Sims, 110. 
Sinclair, 235. 
Skelton, 143-52. 
Slap, 58. 
Sleeper, 90. 
Sleuman, 110. 
Smart, 94. 
Smith, 65, 92-4, 98, 102, 111, 

190, 254-6, 287. 
Smothers, 111. 
Southward, 247. 
Southwick, 82. 
Sparkes, 101, 103. 
Spencer, 251. 
Spofford, 258-60. 
Spooner, 282-3, 293* 
Stacey, 304, 313. 
Stanley, 299, 313. 
Starke, 56, 245. 
Stearns, 66, 87, 127,271,311. 
Stedman, 94. 
Steel, 296. 
Stetson, 111. 
Steuben, 219. 

Stevens, 55, 101, 135-6, 184. 
Stickney, 254-60, 276. 
Still, 47. 

Stocker, 111, 303. 
Stoddard, 116-7, 123. 
Stone, 64, 97, 100-1. 
Storey, 55, 95-6, 111. 
Stowers, 193. 

Stuart, 4. 
Sumner, 111. 
Suiiipter, 217. 
Swaine. 97-8. 
Swan, 253, 255-61. 
Swasey, 111,281,294,307. 
Sweetsev, ill. 
Swinerton, 111. 
Synnncs, 179. 
Symonds, 95, 102, 1 111, 

Taplin, 60. 

Tarrant, 288. 

Taylor, 91,93, 111, 235. 

Teague, 111. 

Teniiy, 254-61. 

Thatcher, 245. 

Theseus, 1. 

Thomas, 113. 

Thompson, 57, 111, 166, 294. 

Thornton, 111. 

Tibbot, 100. 

Tickton, 90. 

Tink, 298. 

Titcombe, 303. 

Todd, 129-33, 245, 249, 250-7, 

Toppan, 112, 195, 292, 297. 
Towne, 97-8. 
Tracey, 165, 174-5. 
Train, 59. 
Trask, 112. 
Triscott, 175-6. 
Trowles, 239. 
Trumbull, 174, 188, 254-6, 

Tucker, 112. 
Tufts, 112, 165-6. 
Tuttle, 105. 
Turner, 112, 279. 
Twiss, 288. 

Upham, 143, 153, 193, 311. 
Upton, 315. 

Van Emburgh, 203. 

Vans, 112. 

Vassal, 207, 209. 

Veiner, 296. 

Veren, 78, 112, 136. 

Vergennes, (Jount de 221. 

Verstegan, 265. 

Very, 112. 

Viall, 207. 

Vincent, 112. 

Voax, 174, 183, 189, 196. 

Voulks, 185. 

Wade, 96. 

Wainwright, 100-1, 103, 112. 

Wakefield, 112. 
Walley, 175. 
Wallis, 64, 102, 234. 
Wambell, 90. 
Ward, 91, 93, 113, 219, 222, 

295, 298-9. 
Wardwell, 105. 
Warner, 126-7, 245. 

Warren. 192, 212-3. 
Washington, 195, 229. 
Waters, 2H3, 278, 299. 
Watson, 118,262, 299. 

Walts. 2-5. 
Webb, 113,288. 
Webster, 97. 272, 277. 
Weeden, 126-7. 
Welcome, H3. 
Wellman, 312. 
Wells, 47, 97, 103. 
Welsteed, 101. 
Wendell, L55-206. 
Wentworth, 170. 
Wesley, 44. 
West, 91, 103-1,289, 296-8, 

304, 308-10. 313. 
Wheatland, 316. 
Wheelwright, 93. 
Whetinore, 207, 209, 213. 
Whipple, 95. 
White. 65,81, 94, 113, 119, 

126-7, 132-3. 137, 176, 183, 

237, 242, 247, 249-50, 2(i0, 

Whitefield, 60. 
Whitford, 113. 
Whitman, 95. 
Whitmore, 46. 
Whitridge, 90-1, 95-6. 
Whittaker, 29. 
Whittemore, 113. 
Whit well, 223. 
Wickam, 261-2. . 
Wicomb, 261-2. 
Wiggings, 113. 
Wiggin. 299. 
Wild, 97-100. 
Wilkinson, 252, 272. 
Willard, 113, 280, 284, 295- 
William and Mary, 16, 39, 

Williams, 25, 61-2, 78, 91, 


234, 289-90, 311. 
Willoughby, 114. 
Wilson, 114,252. 
Wind, 114. 
Wingate, 25. 
Winn, 114. 
Winship, 234. 
Win slow, 50. 
Winthrop, 99, 147, 150. 
Wise, 94. 
Woart, 182. 
Wolcott, 280. 
Wood, 91, 99, 260. 262. 
Woodbridge, 23, 55, 59, 61, 

114, 267. 
Woodburv, 62, 137-8. 
Woods, 99, 261. 
Wood well, 293. 
Worth iugton, 160. 
Wright, 114. 
Wrisbridge, 314. 
Wyatt, J14. 

Yeoman, 272. 
Young, 167, 312-4.